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劍橋雅思閱讀7原文(test2)

　　READING PASSAGE 1

　　You should spend about 20 minutes on Questions 1-13, which are based on Reading Passage 1 below.

　　Why pagodas don’t fall down

　　In a land swept by typhoons and shaken by earthquakes, how have Japan’s tallest and seemingly flimsiest old buildings — 500 or so wooden pagodas — remained standing for centuries? Records show that only two have collapsed during the past 1400 years. Those that have disappeared were destroyed by fire as a result of lightning or civil war. The disastrous Hanshin earthquake in 1995 killed 6,400 people, toppled elevated highways, flattened office blocks and devastated the port area of Kobe. Yet it left the magnificent five-storey pagoda at the Toji temple in nearby Kyoto unscathed, though it levelled a number of buildings in the neighbourhood.

　　Japanese scholars have been mystified for ages about why these tall, slender buildings are so stable. It was only thirty years ago that the building industry felt confident enough to erect office blocks of steel and reinforced concrete that had more than a dozen floors. With its special shock absorbers to dampen the effect of sudden sideways movements from an earthquake, the thirty-six-storey Kasumigaseki building in central Tokyo — Japan’s first skyscraper — was considered a masterpiece of modern engineering when it was built in 1968.

　　Yet in 826, with only pegs and wedges to keep his wooden structure upright, the master builder Kobodaishi had no hesitation in sending his majestic Toji pagoda soaring fifty-five metres into the sky — nearly half as high as the Kasumigaseki skyscraper built some eleven centuries later. Clearly, Japanese carpenters of the day knew a few tricks about allowing a building to sway and settle itself rather than fight nature’s forces. But what sort of tricks?

　　The multi-storey pagoda came to Japan from China in the sixth century. As in China, they were first introduced with Buddhism and were attached to important temples. The Chinese built their pagodas in brick or stone, with inner staircases, and used them in later centuries mainly as watchtowers. When the pagoda reached Japan, however, its architecture was freely adapted to local conditions — they were built less high, typically five rather than nine storeys, made mainly of wood and the staircase was dispensed with because the Japanese pagoda did not have any practical use but became more of an art object. Because of the typhoons that batter Japan in the summer, Japanese builders learned to extend the eaves of buildings further beyond the walls. This prevents rainwater gushing down the walls. Pagodas in China and Korea have nothing like the overhang that is found on pagodas in Japan.

　　The roof of a Japanese temple building can be made to overhang the sides of the structure by fifty per cent or more of the building’s overall width. For the same reason, the builders of Japanese pagodas seem to have further increased their weight by choosing to cover these extended eaves not with the porcelain tiles of many Chinese pagodas but with much heavier earthenware tiles.

　　But this does not totally explain the great resilience of Japanese pagodas. Is the answer that, like a tall pine tree, the Japanese pagoda — with its massive trunk-like central pillar known as shinbashira — simply flexes and sways during a typhoon or earthquake? For centuries, many thought so. But the answer is not so simple because the startling thing is that the shinbashira actually carries no load at all. In fact, in some pagoda designs, it does not even rest on the ground, but is suspended from the top of the pagoda — hanging loosely down through the middle of the building. The weight of the building is supported entirely by twelve outer and four inner columns.

　　And what is the role of the shinbashira, the central pillar? The best way to understand the shinbashira’s role is to watch a video made by Shuzo Ishida, a structural engineer at Kyoto Institute of Technology. Mr Ishida, known to his students as ‘Professor Pagoda’ because of his passion to understand the pagoda, has built a series of models and tested them on a ‘shake-table’ in his laboratory. In short, the shinbashira was acting like an enormous stationary pendulum. The ancient craftsmen, apparently without the assistance of very advanced mathematics, seemed to grasp the principles that were, more than a thousand years later, applied in the construction of Japan’s first skyscraper. What those early craftsmen had found by trial and error was that under pressure a pagoda’s loose stack of floors could be made to slither to and fro independent of one another. Viewed from the side, the pagoda seemed to be doing a snake dance — with each consecutive floor moving in the opposite direction to its neighbours above and below. The shinbashira, running up through a hole in the centre of the building, constrained individual stories from moving too far because, after moving a certain distance, they banged into it, transmitting energy away along the column.

　　Another strange feature of the Japanese pagoda is that, because the building tapers, with each successive floor plan being smaller than the one below, none of the vertical pillars that carry the weight of the building is connected to its corresponding pillar above. In other words, a five-storey pagoda contains not even one pillar that travels right up through the building to carry the structural loads from the top to the bottom. More surprising is the fact that the individual stories of a Japanese pagoda, unlike their counterparts elsewhere, are not actually connected to each other. They are simply stacked one on top of another like a pile of hats. Interestingly, such a design would not be permitted under current Japanese building regulations.

　　And the extra-wide eaves? Think of them as a tightrope walker’s balancing pole. The bigger the mass at each end of the pole, the easier it is for the tightrope walker to maintain his or her balance. The same holds true for a pagoda. ‘With the eaves extending out on all sides like balancing poles,’ says Mr Ishida, ‘the building responds to even the most powerful jolt of an earthquake with a graceful swaying, never an abrupt shaking.’ Here again, Japanese master builders of a thousand years ago anticipated concepts of modern structural engineering.

　　Questions 1-4

　　Do the following statements agree with the claims of the writer in Reading Passage 1?

　　In boxes 1-4 on your answer sheet, write

　　YES if the statement agrees with the claims of the writer

　　NO if the statement contradicts the claims of the writer

　　NOT GIVEN if it is impossible to say what the writer thinks about this

　　1 Only two Japanese pagodas have collapsed in 1400 years.

　　2 The Hanshin earthquake of 1995 destroyed the pagoda at the Toji temple.

　　3 The other buildings near the Toji pagoda had been built in the last 30 years.

　　4 The builders of pagodas knew how to absorb some of the power produced by severe weather conditions.

　　Questions 5-10

　　Classify the following as typical of

　　A both Chinese and Japanese pagodas

　　B only Chinese pagodas

　　C only Japanese pagodas

　　Write the correct letter. A, B or C, in boxes 5-10 on your answer sheet.

　　5 easy interior access to top

　　6 tiles on eaves

　　7 use as observation post

　　8 size of eaves up to half the width of the building

　　9 original religious purpose

　　10 floors fitting loosely over each other

　　Questions 11-13

　　Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.

　　Write the correct letter in boxes 11-13 on your answer sheet.

　　11 In a Japanese pagoda, the shinbashira

　　A bears the full weight of the building.

　　B bends under pressure like a tree.

　　C connects the floors with the foundations.

　　D stops the floors moving too far.

　　12 Shuzo Ishida performs experiments in order to

　　A improve skyscraper design.

　　B be able to build new pagodas.

　　C learn about the dynamics of pagodas.

　　D understand ancient mathematics.

　　13 The storeys of a Japanese pagoda are

　　A linked only by wood.

　　B fastened only to the central pillar.

　　C fitted loosely on top of each other.

　　D joined by special weights.

　　READING PASSAGE 2

　　You should spend about 20 minutes on Questions 14-26, which are based on Reading Passage 2 below.

　　The True Cost of Food

　　A For more than forty years the cost of food has been rising. It has now reached a point where a growing number of people believe that it is far too high, and that bringing it down will be one of the great challenges of the twenty first century. That cost, however, is not in immediate cash. In the West at least, most food is now far cheaper to buy in relative terms than it was in 1960. The cost is in the collateral damage of the very methods of food production that have made the food cheaper: in the pollution of water, the enervation of soil, the destruction of wildlife, the harm to animal welfare and the threat to human health caused by modern industrial agriculture.

　　B First mechanisation, then mass use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides, then monocultures, then battery rearing of livestock, and now genetic engineering — the onward march of intensive farming has seemed unstoppable in the last half-century, as the yields of produce have soared. But the damage it has caused has been colossal. In Britain, for example, many of our best-loved farmland birds, such as the skylark, the grey partridge, the lapwing and the corn bunting, have vanished from huge stretches of countryside, as have even more wild flowers and insects. This is a direct result of the way we have produced our food in the last four decades. Thousands of miles of hedgerows, thousands of ponds, have disappeared from the landscape. The faecal filth of salmon farming has driven wild salmon from many of the sea Iochs and rivers of Scotland. Natural soil fertility is dropping in many areas because of continuous industrial fertiliser and pesticide use, while the growth of algae is increasing in lakes because of the fertiliser run-off.

　　C Put it all together and it looks like a battlefield, but consumers rarely make the connection at the dinner table. That is mainly because the costs of all this damage are what economists refer to as externalities: they are outside the main transaction, which is for example producing and selling a field of wheat, and are borne directly by neither producers nor consumers. To many, the costs may not even appear to be financial at all, but merely aesthetic — a terrible shame, but nothing to do with money. And anyway they, as consumers of food, certainly aren’t paying for it, are they?

　　D But the costs to society can actually be quantified and, when added up, can amount to staggering sums. A remarkable exercise in doing this has been carried out by one of the world’s leading thinkers on the future of agriculture, Professor Jules Pretty, Director of the Centre for Environment and Society at the University of Essex. Professor Pretty and his colleagues calculated the externalities of British agriculture for one particular year. They added up the costs of repairing the damage it caused, and came up with a total figure of ￡2,343m. This is equivalent to ￡208 for every hectare of arable land and permanent pasture, almost as much again as the total government and EU spend on British farming in that year. And according to Professor Pretty, it was a conservative estimate.

　　E The costs included: ￡120m for removal of pesticides; ￡16m for removal of nitrates; ￡55m for removal of phosphates and soil; ￡23m for the removal of the bug cryptosporidium from drinking water by water companies; ￡125m for damage to wildlife habitats, hedgerows and dry stone walls; ￡1,113m from emissions of gases likely to contribute to climate change; ￡106m from soil erosion and organic carbon losses; ￡169m from food poisoning; and ￡607m from cattle disease. Professor Pretty draws a simple but memorable conclusion from all this: our food bills are actually threefold. We are paying for our supposedly cheaper food in three separate ways: once over the counter, secondly through our taxes, which provide the enormous subsidies propping up modern intensive farming, and thirdly to clean up the mess that modern farming leaves behind.

　　F So can the true cost of food be brought down? Breaking away from industrial agriculture as the solution to hunger may be very hard for some countries, but in Britain, where the immediate need to supply food is less urgent, and the costs and the damage of intensive farming have been clearly seen, it may be more feasible. The government needs to create sustainable, competitive and diverse farming and food sectors, which will contribute to a thriving and sustainable rural economy, and advance environmental, economic, health, and animal welfare goals.

　　G But if industrial agriculture is to be replaced, what is a viable alternative? Professor Pretty feels that organic farming would be too big a jump in thinking and in practices for many farmers. Furthermore, the price premium would put the produce out of reach of many poorer consumers. He is recommending the immediate introduction of a ‘Greener Food Standard’, which would push the market towards more sustainable environmental practices than the current norm, while not requiring the full commitment to organic production. Such a standard would comprise agreed practices for different kinds of farming, covering agrochemical use, soil health, land management, water and energy use, food safety and animal health. It could go a long way, he says, to shifting consumers as well as farmers towards a more sustainable system of agriculture.

　　Questions 14-17

　　Reading Passage 2 has seven paragraphs, A-G.

　　Which paragraph contains the following information?

　　Write the correct letter, A-G, in boxes 14-17 on your answer sheet.

　　NB You may use any letter more than once.

　　14 a cost involved in purifying domestic water

　　15 the stages in the development of the farming industry

　　16 the term used to describe hidden costs

　　17 one effect of chemicals on water sources

　　Questions 18-21

　　Do the following statements agree with the claims of the writer in Reading Passage 2?

　　In boxes 18-21 on your answer sheet, write

　　YES if the statement agrees with the claims of the writer

　　NO if the statement contradicts the claims of the writer

　　NOT GIVEN if it is impossible to say what the writer thinks about this

　　18 Several species of wildlife in the British countryside are declining.

　　19 The taste of food has deteriorated in recent years.

　　20 The financial costs of environmental damage are widely recognized.

　　21 One of the costs calculated by Professor Pretty was illness caused by food.

　　Questions 22-26

　　Complete the summary below.

　　Choose NO MORE THAN THREE WORDS from the passage for each answer.

　　Write your answers in boxes 22-26 on your answer sheet.

　　Professor Pretty concludes that our 22………are higher than most people realise, because we make three different types of payment. He feels it is realistic to suggest that Britain should reduce its reliance on 23………… .

　　Although most farmers would be unable to adapt to 24…………, Professor Pretty wants the government to initiate change by establishing what he refers to as a 25…………… . He feels this would help to change the attitudes of both 26…………and………. .

　　READING PASSAGE 3

　　You should spend about 20 minutes on Questions 27-40, which are based on Reading Passage 3 on the following pages.

　　Questions 27-30

　　Reading Passage 3 has six sections, A-F.

　　Choose the correct heading for sections B, C, E and F from the list of headings below.

　　Write the correct number, i-xi, in boxes 27-30 on your answer sheet.

　　List of Headings

　　i MIRTP as a future model

　　ii Identifying the main transport problems

　　iii Preference for motorised vehicles

　　iv Government authorities’ instructions

　　v Initial improvements in mobility and transport modes

　　vi Request for improved transport in Makete

　　vii Transport improvements in the northern part of the district

　　viii Improvements in the rail network

　　ix Effects of initial MIRTP measures

　　x Co-operation of district officials

　　xi Role of wheelbarrows and donkeys

　　Example Answer

　　Section A vi

　　27 Section B

　　28 Section C

　　Example Answer

　　Section D ix

　　29 Section E

　　30 Section F

　　Makete Integrated Rural Transport Project

　　Section A

　　The disappointing results of many conventional road transport projects in Africa led some experts to rethink the strategy by which rural transport problems were to be tackled at the beginning of the 1980s. A request for help in improving the availability of transport within the remote Makete District of south-western Tanzania presented the opportunity to try a new approach.

　　The concept of ‘integrated rural transport’ was adopted in the task of examining the transport needs of the rural households in the district. The objective was to reduce the time and effort needed to obtain access to essential goods and services through an improved rural transport system. The underlying assumption was that the time saved would be used instead for activities that would improve the social and economic development of the communities. The Makete Integrated Rural Transport Project (MIRTP) started in 1985 with financial support from the Swiss Development Corporation and was co-ordinated with the help of theTanzanian government.

　　Section B

　　When the project began, Makete District was virtually totally isolated during the rainy season. The regional road was in such bad shape that access to the main towns was impossible for about three months of the year. Road traffic was extremely rare within the district, and alternative means of transport were restricted to donkeys in the north of the district. People relied primarily on the paths, which were slippery and dangerous during the rains.

　　Before solutions could be proposed, the problems had to be understood. Little was known about the transport demands of the rural households, so Phase I, between December 1985 and December 1987, focused on research. The socio-economic survey of more than 400 households in the district indicated that a household in Makete spent, on average, seven hours a day on transporting themselves and their goods, a figure which seemed extreme but which has also been obtained in surveys in other rural areas in Africa. Interesting facts regarding transport were found: 95% was on foot; 80% was within the locality; and 70% was related to the collection of water and firewood and travelling to grinding mills.

　　Section C

　　Having determined the main transport needs, possible solutions were identified which might reduce the time and burden. During Phase II, from January to February 1991, a number of approaches were implemented in an effort to improve mobility and access to transport.

　　An improvement of the road network was considered necessary to ensure the import and export of goods to the district. These improvements were carried out using methods that were heavily dependent on labour. In addition to the improvement of roads, these methods provided training in the operation of a mechanical workshop and bus and truck services. However, the difference from the conventional approach was that this time consideration was given to local transport needs outside the road network.

　　Most goods were transported along the paths that provide short-cuts up and down the hillsides, but the paths were a real safety risk and made the journey on foot even more arduous. It made sense to improve the paths by building steps, handrails and footbridges.

　　It was uncommon to find means of transport that were more efficient than walking but less technologically advanced than motor vehicles. The use of bicycles was constrained by their high cost and the lack of available spare parts. Oxen were not used at all but donkeys were used by a few households in the northern part of the district. MIRTP focused on what would be most appropriate for the inhabitants of Makete in terms of what was available, how much they could afford and what they were willing to accept. After careful consideration, the project chose the promotion of donkeys — a donkey costs less than a bicycle — and the introduction of a locally manufacturable wheelbarrow.

　　Section D

　　At the end of Phase II, it was clear that the selected approaches to Makete’s transport problems had had different degrees of success. Phase III, from March 1991 to March 1993, focused on the refinement and institutionalisation of these activities.

　　The road improvements and accompanying maintenance system had helped make the district centre accessible throughout the year. Essential goods from outside the district had become more readily available at the market, and prices did not fluctuate as much as they had done before.

　　Paths and secondary roads were improved only at the request of communities who were willing to participate in construction and maintenance. However, the improved paths impressed the inhabitants, and requests for assistance greatly increased soon after only a few improvements had been completed.

　　The efforts to improve the efficiency of the existing transport services were not very successful because most of the motorised vehicles in the district broke down and there were no resources to repair them. Even the introduction of low-cost means of transport was difficult because of the general poverty of the district. The locally manufactured wheelbarrows were still too expensive for all but a few of the households. Modifications to the original design by local carpenters cut production time and costs. Other local carpenters have been trained in the new design so that they can respond to requests. Nevertheless, a locally produced wooden wheelbarrow which costs around 5000 Tanzanian shillings (less than US) in Makete, and is about one quarter the cost of a metal wheelbarrow, is still too expensive for most people.

　　Donkeys, which were imported to the district, have become more common and contribute, in particular, to the transportation of crops and goods to market. Those who have bought donkeys are mainly from richer households but, with an increased supply through local breeding, donkeys should become more affordable. Meanwhile, local initiatives are promoting the renting out of the existing donkeys.

　　It should be noted, however, that a donkey, which at 20,000Tanzanian shillings costs less than a bicycle, is still an investment equal to an average household’s income over half a year. This clearly illustrates the need for supplementary measures if one wants to assist the rural poor.

　　Section E

　　It would have been easy to criticise the MIRTP for using in the early phases a ‘top-down’ approach, in which decisions were made by experts and officials before being handed down to communities, but it was necessary to start the process from the level of the governmental authorities of the district. It would have been difficult to respond to the requests of villagers and other rural inhabitants without the support and understanding of district authorities.

　　Section F

　　Today, nobody in the district argues about the importance of improved paths and inexpensive means of transport. But this is the result of dedicated work over a long period, particularly from the officers in charge of community development. They played an essential role in raising awareness and interest among the rural communities.

　　The concept of integrated rural transport is now well established in Tanzania, where a major program of rural transport is just about to start. The experiences from Makete will help in this initiative, and Makete District will act as a reference for future work.

　　Questions 31-35

　　Do the following statements agree with the claims of the writer in Reading Passage 3?

　　In boxes 31-35 on your answer sheet, write

　　YES if the statement agrees with the claims of the writer

　　NO if the statement contradicts the claims of the writer

　　NOT GIVEN if it is impossible to say what the writer thinks about this

　　31 MIRTP was divided into five phases.

　　32 Prior to the start of MIRTP the Makete district was almost inaccessible during the rainy season.

　　33 Phase I of MIRTP consisted of a survey of household expenditure on transport.

　　34 The survey concluded that one-fifty or 20% of the household transport requirement as outside the local area.

　　35 MIRTP hoped to improve the movement of goods from Makete district to the country’s capital.

　　Questions 36-39

　　Complete each sentence with the correct ending. A-J, below.

　　Write the correct letter, A-J, in boxes 36-39 on your answer sheet.

　　36 Construction of footbridges, steps and handrails

　　37 Frequent breakdown of buses and trucks in Makete

　　38 The improvement of secondary roads and paths

　　39 The isolation of Makete for part of the year

　　A provided the people of Makete with experience in running bus and truck services.

　　B was especially successful in the northern part of the district.

　　C differed from earlier phases in that the community became less actively involved.

　　D improved paths used for transport up and down hillsides.

　　E was no longer a problem once the roads had been improved.

　　F cost less than locally made wheelbarrows.

　　G was done only at the request of local people who were willing to lend a hand.

　　H was at first considered by MIRTP to be affordable for the people of the district.

　　I hindered attempts to make the existing transport services more efficient.

　　J was thought to be the most important objective of Phase III.

　　Question 40

　　Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.

　　Write the correct letter in box 40 on your answer sheet.

　　Which of the following phrases best describes the main aim of Reading Passage 3?

　　A to suggest that projects such as MIRTP are needed in other countries

　　B to describe how MIRTP was implemented and how successful it was

　　C to examine how MIRTP promoted the use of donkeys

　　D to warn that projects such as MIRTP are likely to have serious problems

　　劍橋雅思閱讀7原文參考譯文(test2)

　　TEST 2 PASSAGE 2 參考譯文：

　　食品的真正代價(jià)

　　A 40多年來食品價(jià)格一直呈上漲趨勢(shì)?，F(xiàn)在已經(jīng)漲到了越來越多的人都認(rèn)為太高的程度，很多人認(rèn)為21 世紀(jì)面臨的巨大挑戰(zhàn)之一就是降低食品價(jià)格。然而，這代價(jià)不并非立即付現(xiàn)的。畢竟，相對(duì)于1960年而言，至少在西方國(guó)家，現(xiàn)在大多數(shù)食品按相對(duì)價(jià)值計(jì)算反而是便宜多了，這代價(jià)恰恰是使食品變便宜的生產(chǎn)方式本身所造成的間接傷害。這傷害包括現(xiàn)代工業(yè)化農(nóng)業(yè)所造成的水資源污染，土壤貧瘠，野生動(dòng)植物破壞，對(duì)動(dòng)物權(quán)益的損害以及對(duì)人類健康的威脅。

　　B現(xiàn)代農(nóng)業(yè)的發(fā)展首先是機(jī)械化生產(chǎn)，接著就是化肥和殺蟲劑的大量使用，然后是單一種植，再后來就是籠養(yǎng)家禽家畜，直到現(xiàn)在的基因工程，在過去的半個(gè)世紀(jì)里，隨著產(chǎn)量的激增，密集型農(nóng)業(yè)前進(jìn)的步伐似乎已經(jīng)銳不可當(dāng)，但其也造成巨大的破壞。例如，在英國(guó)，許多深受人們喜愛的農(nóng)田鳥類，比如云雀，灰山鶉、麥雞和黍鹀，還有更多的野花和昆蟲，都已經(jīng)從鄉(xiāng)村大片的土地上消失了。這就是過去40年里我們的農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)方式所造成的直接后果。無數(shù)的灌木叢、大片的池塘已經(jīng)從我們的土地上消失了。養(yǎng)殖大馬哈魚的排泄物將野生大馬哈魚逐出了蘇格蘭的海灣和河流。由于長(zhǎng)期使用化肥和殺蟲劑，很多地區(qū)的自然土壤肥力正在下降，而湖里的藻類卻因?yàn)榛蕪U料而不斷瘋長(zhǎng)。

　　C上面所述種.種使我們的土地看上去就像滿目瘡痍的戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)，但消費(fèi)者在餐桌上的時(shí)候卻很少聯(lián)想到這些。這主要因?yàn)檫@些代價(jià)是經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家們所說的“外部經(jīng)濟(jì)效應(yīng)”，它們不在如生產(chǎn)或出售一塊地里的小麥那樣的主要交易過程之中，而且它們也不是由生產(chǎn)者和消費(fèi)者直接來承擔(dān)的。對(duì)很多人來說，這代價(jià)甚至根本不屬于經(jīng)濟(jì)范疇，僅僅與審美相關(guān)，很遺憾和金錢沒有任何關(guān)系。而且不管怎樣，作為食品消費(fèi)者，他們當(dāng)然不必為這代價(jià)自掏腰包，不是嗎?

　　D但這代價(jià)對(duì)社會(huì)的影響卻是可以量化的，累積能高到嚇人的地步。一項(xiàng)引人注目的將代價(jià)量化的活動(dòng)已經(jīng)完成。埃塞克斯大學(xué)社會(huì)與環(huán)境研究中心的主任Jules Pretty教授負(fù)責(zé)了該活動(dòng)，他是位關(guān)注農(nóng)業(yè)未來的領(lǐng)軍思想家。Pretty教授和他的同事計(jì)算了某一年中英國(guó)農(nóng)業(yè)外部經(jīng)濟(jì)效應(yīng)的價(jià)值。他們綜合了修復(fù)損壞所需的費(fèi)用，得出的總數(shù)造二十三億四千三百萬(wàn)英鎊，具體到每公頃耕地和永久性牧場(chǎng)則為二百零八英鎊，幾乎和當(dāng)年英國(guó)政府及歐盟在英國(guó)農(nóng)業(yè)上的投人相當(dāng)，據(jù)Pretty教授說這還是保守估計(jì)。

　　E這些費(fèi)用包括：一億兩千萬(wàn)英鎊用于消除殺蟲劑;一千六百萬(wàn)英鎊用于消除硝酸鹽;五千五百萬(wàn)英鎊用于消除土壤中的磷酸鹽;兩千三百萬(wàn)英鎊用于自來水公司清除引用水中所含有的隱孢子蟲病菌;一億兩千五百萬(wàn)英鎊用來修復(fù)野生動(dòng)物柄息地、灌木以及石墻所受到的損壞;十一億一千三百萬(wàn)英鎊用來治理可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致氣候變化的尾氣;一億零六百萬(wàn)英鎊用在治理土壤腐蝕和有機(jī)碳流失上;一億六千九百萬(wàn)英鎊用于食品中毒;六億零七百萬(wàn)英鎊用于治療牲畜疾病。由此Pretty教授得出了一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單但卻驚人的結(jié)論：實(shí)際上我們的食品花銷翻了三倍。我們正用三種不同的方式為認(rèn)為便宜了的食物買單：一是在柜臺(tái)付款，二通過納稅，稅收提供了強(qiáng)大的經(jīng)濟(jì)支柱，三是收拾現(xiàn)代農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)留下的爛攤子。

　　F那么食品的真正花銷能降下來嗎?對(duì)于一些國(guó)家來說，通過擺脫工業(yè)化農(nóng)業(yè)解決饑餓問題也許相當(dāng)困難，但在英國(guó)，對(duì)糧食的需求相對(duì)緩和，并且大家都清楚看到了密集型農(nóng)業(yè)所耗費(fèi)的成本和帶來的破壞為現(xiàn)代密集型企業(yè)，放棄現(xiàn)代化農(nóng)業(yè)更為可行。政府有必要設(shè)立可持續(xù)性、有競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力和多樣化的農(nóng)業(yè)及糧食生產(chǎn)部門，這一定會(huì)為農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)的繁榮和可持續(xù)發(fā)展做出貢獻(xiàn)，并加快實(shí)現(xiàn)環(huán)境、經(jīng)濟(jì)、健康以及動(dòng)物福利方面的目標(biāo)。

　　G但如果工業(yè)化農(nóng)業(yè)將被取代，可行的替代辦法又是什么呢?Pretty教授感覺對(duì)于許多農(nóng)民來說，有機(jī)農(nóng)業(yè)在思想上和實(shí)踐上都是一個(gè)很大的跨越。并且，有機(jī)產(chǎn)品的高價(jià)格使得許多比較貧困的消費(fèi)者無力購(gòu)買。他推薦盡快引入“綠色食品標(biāo)準(zhǔn)”，這會(huì)促使市場(chǎng)朝著比現(xiàn)行標(biāo)準(zhǔn)更環(huán)保的方向發(fā)展，而又不必全部投入有機(jī)農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)。 “綠色食品標(biāo)準(zhǔn)”將涵蓋不同農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)貿(mào)上的共認(rèn)做法，包括農(nóng)用化學(xué)品的使用、土壤質(zhì)量、土地經(jīng)營(yíng)管理模式、水資源及能源利用、食品安全以及動(dòng)物健康等。Pretty教授認(rèn)為，這一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)將對(duì)消費(fèi)者和農(nóng)場(chǎng)主從傳統(tǒng)的農(nóng)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)向可持續(xù)發(fā)展農(nóng)業(yè)大有裨益。

　　TEST 2 PASSAGE 3 參考譯文：

　　馬科特鄉(xiāng)村一體化交通項(xiàng)目

　　Section A

　　八十年代初，非洲許多常規(guī)道路運(yùn)輸項(xiàng)目令人失望的結(jié)果使得一些專家開始重新思考解決鄉(xiāng)村交通問題的策略，恰逢坦桑尼亞西南部偏遠(yuǎn)的馬科特地區(qū)要求幫助改善當(dāng)?shù)氐慕煌顩r，為試驗(yàn)新策略提供了機(jī)會(huì)。

　　在對(duì)當(dāng)?shù)剞r(nóng)村家庭出行需求的調(diào)查中，一體化的農(nóng)村交通運(yùn)輸理念被采納了進(jìn)來。這個(gè)理念的目標(biāo)就是通過改善農(nóng)村交通體系，使當(dāng)?shù)厝四軠p少獲取基本物資和服務(wù)所費(fèi)的時(shí)間和精力。該理念的基本假設(shè)就是能把節(jié)省下來的時(shí)間用來開展能夠促進(jìn)當(dāng)?shù)厣鐣?huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的活動(dòng)。馬科特鄉(xiāng)村一體化交通項(xiàng)目開始于1985年，由瑞士開發(fā)公司出資資助，坦桑尼亞政府負(fù)責(zé)協(xié)調(diào)工作。

　　Section B

　　項(xiàng)目剛開始的時(shí)候，雨季的馬科特幾乎完全與世隔絕。當(dāng)?shù)芈窙r十分糟糕，通往主要城鎮(zhèn)的道路一年中有三個(gè)月的時(shí)間都是無法通行的，地區(qū)內(nèi)道路交通少得出奇，北部地區(qū)可選擇的交通工具只有驢。居民主要靠步行，一下雨這些小路就泥濘不堪，十分危險(xiǎn)。

　　在提出解決辦法之前，先要了解問題所在。施工方對(duì)當(dāng)?shù)厝说某鲂行枨罅私馍跷?，因此在工程的第一階段(從1985年12月到1987年12月)，他們集中精力進(jìn)行調(diào)研。據(jù)對(duì)馬科特地區(qū)400多個(gè)家庭進(jìn)行的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)調(diào)查顯示，平均每家每天要花上7個(gè)小時(shí)用于出行和運(yùn)輸物資這組數(shù)據(jù)看起來很極端，但從非洲其他鄉(xiāng)村得到的數(shù)據(jù)也是一樣的。調(diào)查人員還發(fā)現(xiàn)了一些與交通相關(guān)的很有趣的事情：當(dāng)?shù)?5%的居民出門基本靠走，80%的居民活動(dòng)范圍只限于本地，70%的人出行是為了挑水砍柴和去磨坊。

　　Section C

　　確定了主要的交通需求，施工方制訂了可行性解決方案，這將節(jié)省時(shí)間，減輕負(fù)擔(dān)。在第二階段(1991年1、2月間)，為提高交通的靈活性和便利性，實(shí)施了許多方案。

　　改進(jìn)地區(qū)的路網(wǎng)是保證貨物進(jìn)出口業(yè)務(wù)的必要條件，而這些改進(jìn)措施嚴(yán)重依賴勞動(dòng)力。除了改善路況，還提供機(jī)械車間方面的培訓(xùn)以及公共汽車和卡車服務(wù)。然而，與常規(guī)方法不同的是，這次除了公路網(wǎng)外，還考慮到了本地交通需求。

　　大多數(shù)物資是通過小路運(yùn)輸?shù)?，這些小路為上下山提供了捷徑，但卻需要冒著很大的生命危險(xiǎn)，要是步行就更艱難了。所以，通過修建臺(tái)階、扶手和人行橋等來改善路況是有意義的。

　　要找到比步行更有效率、比機(jī)動(dòng)車技術(shù)含低的交通方式可不是件容易的事。由于價(jià)格昂貴又缺少可用的零配件，自行車的使用受到了限制。當(dāng)?shù)厝烁揪筒话雅．?dāng)成交通工具，但在北部地區(qū)有些居民把驢當(dāng)成運(yùn)輸工具。馬科特鄉(xiāng)村一體化交通項(xiàng)目致力于找到最適合當(dāng)?shù)鼐用竦慕煌üぞ?，這種工具必須是現(xiàn)有的、居民們買得起又愿意接受的東西。經(jīng)過仔細(xì)考慮，項(xiàng)目最終決定推廣驢(在當(dāng)?shù)兀H子比自行車便宜)和一種當(dāng)?shù)厣a(chǎn)的獨(dú)輪車。

　　Section D

　　第二階段結(jié)束的時(shí)候，顯而易見，這些為馬科特地區(qū)量身打造的解決辦法都取得了不同程度的成功。第三階段從1991年3月到1993年3月，致力于改進(jìn)這些解決方法并使之制度化。

　　道路狀況的改善以及配套的道路養(yǎng)護(hù)制度已經(jīng)使得人們?nèi)甓伎傻竭_(dá)地區(qū)中心，也更容易在市場(chǎng)上買到來自外地的基本物資，價(jià)格也不像以前那樣起伏不定。

　　只有愿意參與道路建設(shè)與養(yǎng)護(hù)的社區(qū)提出要求時(shí)，施工方才會(huì)去幫助他們改善小路和二級(jí)公路。然而，當(dāng)?shù)鼐用駥?duì)改善后的路況很滿意。因此，剛完成幾項(xiàng)改進(jìn)，就有更多人提出了協(xié)助請(qǐng)求。

　　由于當(dāng)?shù)卮蠖鄶?shù)機(jī)動(dòng)車發(fā)生故障時(shí)沒有條件修理，所以提升現(xiàn)有交通服務(wù)效率的努力并不是很成功。由于當(dāng)?shù)厝似毡闆]什么錢，甚至連推廣低價(jià)交通工具也成了難題，除了少數(shù)家庭外，本地制造的獨(dú)輪車對(duì)多數(shù)家庭來講還是過于昂貴。當(dāng)?shù)啬窘硨?duì)初始設(shè)計(jì)的獨(dú)輪車加以更改，降低了生產(chǎn)時(shí)間和成本。當(dāng)?shù)氐牧硗庖恍┠窘骋步邮苄略O(shè)計(jì)的培訓(xùn)，以滿足人們的需求。然而，盡管當(dāng)?shù)厣a(chǎn)的木質(zhì)獨(dú)輪車只要5000坦桑尼亞先令(不到20美元)，僅相當(dāng)于金屬獨(dú)輪車價(jià)錢的四分之一，但對(duì)于大多數(shù)當(dāng)?shù)鼐用駚碚f還是太貴了。

　　引進(jìn)的驢子反倒變得越來越受歡迎，在將農(nóng)作物和物資運(yùn)往市場(chǎng)方面大顯身手。買驢的主要是當(dāng)?shù)厣晕⒏辉Ｒ恍┑募彝?，不過通過本地繁殖，驢的供應(yīng)會(huì)有所增加，價(jià)錢也會(huì)更便宜。與此同時(shí)，當(dāng)?shù)卣茝V現(xiàn)有驢子的出租業(yè)務(wù)。

　　然而需要注意的是，一頭驢要花費(fèi)20,000坦桑尼亞先令，雖然比自行車便宜，但這筆投資仍相當(dāng)于一個(gè)當(dāng)?shù)丶彝グ肽甓嗟氖杖?。這很清楚地表明，要幫助貧困的鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)，還需要其他的輔助措施。

　　Section E

　　由于項(xiàng)目初期采用了自上而下的辦法，即沒有傳達(dá)給當(dāng)?shù)厣鐓^(qū)，專家和政府官員就作出了決定，因此，要批評(píng)馬科特鄉(xiāng)村一體化交通項(xiàng)目簡(jiǎn)直易如反掌，但是從當(dāng)?shù)卣畬娱_始這一項(xiàng)目是很必要的。要是沒有當(dāng)?shù)卣闹С趾屠斫?，?dāng)?shù)卮迕窈推渌r(nóng)村住戶的需求就很難得到滿足。

　　Section F

　　現(xiàn)在，當(dāng)?shù)貨]有人再爭(zhēng)論改善道路狀況及推廣廉價(jià)交通工具的重要性了。這是長(zhǎng)期傾力工作的結(jié)果，尤其是負(fù)責(zé)當(dāng)?shù)厣鐓^(qū)發(fā)展的政府官員的努力。他們?cè)谔岣邇?nèi)地居民意識(shí)、調(diào)動(dòng)他們積極性的過程中發(fā)揮了重要作用。

　　如今，一體化鄉(xiāng)村交通這一理念在坦桑尼亞已經(jīng)深入人心，另一個(gè)重于的鄉(xiāng)村交通項(xiàng)目也即將在此開展。從馬科特項(xiàng)目中所獲得的經(jīng)驗(yàn)將大有幫助，馬科特地區(qū)也會(huì)為將來的項(xiàng)目提供很好的參考范例。

　　劍橋雅思閱讀7原文解析(test2)

　　Test 2 Passage 1

　　Question 1

　　答案：YES

　　關(guān)鍵詞：1400 years

　　定位原文: 第1段第2句：“Records show that only two have collapsed during the last 1400 years.” 有記錄顯示，在過去1400年間，只有兩座倒塌了。

　　解題思路: 使用1400 years定位到第一段第二句，該句明確表明1400年間只有兩座日本寶塔倒塌

　　Question 2

　　答案：NO

　　關(guān)鍵詞：1995, Toji temple

　　定位原文: 第1段最后1句： “Yet it led the magnificent five-storey pagoda ...” 盡管大地震將京部附近東寺周圍的大量建筑夷為平地，可寺里宏偉的五層寶塔卻完好無損。

　　解題思路: 本題的考點(diǎn)在于要將原文中的leave...unscathed同題干中的destroy對(duì)立起來。unscathed指“沒有負(fù)傷的，未受損傷的”，這樣就與題干中的destroy(毀壞)相抵觸。

　　Question 3

　　答案： NOT GIVEN

　　關(guān)鍵詞：30 years

　　定位原文: 第2段第2句： “It was only thirty years ago that…” 僅僅在 30 年前，建筑界的從業(yè)者們才有足夠信心建造髙于十二層的鋼筋混凝土辦公大樓。

　　解題思路: 這句話與此題的唯一聯(lián)系就是這個(gè)thirty years，拋開這一點(diǎn)，兩者簡(jiǎn)直是牛頭不對(duì)馬嘴。即使讀完全段，也未見題干中所表達(dá)的意思，而且the other buildings near the Toji pagoda的勉強(qiáng)對(duì)等成分也出現(xiàn)在第一段a number of buildings in the neighbourhood。一道題目的主要成分零散在文中數(shù)段，這就是典型的形散神必散型的NOT GIVEN。

　　Question 4

　　答案： YES

　　關(guān)鍵詞: builders, weather

　　定位原文: 第3段倒數(shù)第2句：“Clearly, Japanese carpenters of the day knew ...” 顯而易見，當(dāng)時(shí)的日本木匠懂得一些竅門讓建筑物可以順風(fēng)搖擺，不與自然力量對(duì)抗，而是順應(yīng)自然，從而穩(wěn)穩(wěn)矗立。

　　解題思路: 題干中的absorb本指“吸收”，所謂吸收極端天氣的能量，其實(shí)就是為了避免極端天氣如地震等的破壞。文中提到 allow a building to sway and settle itself rather than fight nature's force, nature's force 其實(shí)就是題干中的the power produced by severe weather conditions, absorb對(duì)應(yīng)rather than fight，不抵抗自然之力，而是順其自然，通過搖擺而穩(wěn)穩(wěn)站立住了。

　　Question 5

　　答案： B

　　關(guān)鍵詞：interior access to top

　　定位原文: 第4段第3、4句：“The Chinese built their pagodas.... When the pagoda reached Japan...the staircase was dispensed with...” 中國(guó)人用磚石造塔，內(nèi)設(shè)樓梯……當(dāng)寶塔到達(dá)日本，日本人加以改進(jìn)，樓梯被棄用了……

　　解題思路: 很明顯，只有中國(guó)的塔有樓梯，也就能方便地到達(dá)頂層;日本寶塔沒有樓梯，談何容易到達(dá)頂層呢? staircase樓梯，引申一下，就是中國(guó)寶塔的特點(diǎn)就是人們很容易就能登上塔頂。所以答案為B。

　　Question 6

　　答案： A

　　關(guān)鍵詞：tiles on eaves

　　定位原文: 用 tile 一詞定位到第5段第2句：“For the same reason, the builders of Japanese ...” 出于同樣的原因，日本寶塔的建造者們通過采用較重的陶瓦來覆蓋這些延伸的屋檐從而大大增加自身的重量，而不像許多中國(guó)寶塔那樣采用瓷瓦。

　　解題思路: 這句話表明不管是日本塔還是中國(guó)塔，屋檐上當(dāng)然都蓋著瓦，只是所用的瓦材質(zhì)不同而已。所以答案是A。

　　Question 7

　　答案：B

　　關(guān)鍵詞： observation post

　　定位原文: 第4段第3、4句：“The Chinese...used them in later centuries mainly as watchtowers. When the pagoda reached Japan, ...the staircase was dispensed...” 中國(guó)人……后來這些寶塔就主要用作守望塔。然而當(dāng)這些寶塔傳入日本時(shí)，……日本寶塔沒有什么實(shí)用性，更多是當(dāng)作藝術(shù)品，所以沒有樓梯。

　　解題思路: 中國(guó)人將塔用作守望塔，watchtower就等同于observation post，而日本人僅僅將塔作為藝術(shù)品來看待，并無實(shí)際用途，當(dāng)然不會(huì)當(dāng)守望塔用。答案當(dāng)然是B

　　Question 8

　　答案：C

　　關(guān)鍵詞：eave，half the width of the building

　　定位原文:第5段第1句: “The roof of a Japanese temple building can be made to…”

　　解題思路: 聯(lián)系上一段最后一句：Pagodas in China and Korea have nothing like the overhang that is found on pagodas in Japan. 兩句綜合在一起，表明只有日本寶塔有懸空的屋檐，而且日本寺廟建筑的屋檐懸于建筑物的側(cè)面之外部分的寬度可以達(dá)到建筑物總寬的一半或更多。因此屋檐寬度超過建筑物寬度一半的當(dāng)然只有日本寶塔了。

　　Question 9

　　答案：A

　　關(guān)鍵詞： religious

　　定位原文: 第4段第2句：“As in China, they were first introduced with Buddhism…” 像在中國(guó)一樣，它們最初是隨著佛教而被引進(jìn)的……

　　解題思路: Buddhism佛教，對(duì)應(yīng)題干的 religious as in China中的as表示“正如”，證明日本塔和中國(guó)塔都有宗教功能。所以答案是A。

　　Question 10

　　答案： C

　　關(guān)鍵詞： floors, loosely over each other

　　定位原文: 第8段倒數(shù)第3句 “More surprising is fact that …” 更令人驚訝的是日本寶塔的每一個(gè)單獨(dú)樓層間實(shí)際上都不相連，這一點(diǎn)不同于其他任何地方的同類建筑。它們就像一摞帽子一樣只是被一層一層地疊加起來。

　　解題思路: unlike their counterparts再次強(qiáng)調(diào)這是日本塔所特有的，stack對(duì)應(yīng)fitting，帽子的比喻表明樓層之間是松散地建造在一起的，所以答案為C。

　　Question 11

　　答案: D

　　關(guān)鍵詞：shinbashira

　　定位原文: 第7段最后1句：The shinbashira, ...constrained individual storeys from moving too far...

　　解題思路: 第6段第4句：...the shinbashira actually carries no load at all. 這句話直接否定了答案A。第5句：In fact, ...it does not even rest on the ground...(甚至不碰觸地面)，既然不碰觸地面，也就無法連接樓層和地基了。答案C不可能。like a tall pine tree出現(xiàn)在第6段第2句，但是很快被作者用but the answer is not so simple給否定掉了，再說B 答案又是對(duì)這一句話的添油加醋，所以也不可能是答案。這樣，即使只用排除法，也可以確定答案是D。

　　Question 12

　　答案： C

　　關(guān)鍵詞：Shuzo Ishida

　　定位原文: 第7段第3句： “…h(huán)is passion to understand the pagoda，has built a series of...”

　　解題思路: 根據(jù)文章對(duì)shinbashira描述，知道人們一直認(rèn)為其承擔(dān)了寶塔的重量，也就是C所指的力學(xué)，教授做實(shí)驗(yàn)也是為了驗(yàn)證這一說法，這就對(duì)應(yīng)了選項(xiàng)C。

　　Question 13

　　答案：C

　　關(guān)鍵詞：storey

　　定位原文: 第8段第3、4句： “More surprising is fact that the individual storeys…” 更令人驚訝的是日本寶塔的每一個(gè)單獨(dú)樓層間實(shí)際上都不相連，這一點(diǎn)不同于其他任何地方的同類建筑。它們就像一摞帽子一樣只是被一層一層地疊加起來。

　　解題思路: 題目：日本寶塔的各個(gè)樓層是

　　A僅用木頭連接的。 C松松地彼此堆疊在一起。

　　B僅僅固定在中柱上。 D由特殊的重物相連。

　　答案為C。

　　Test 2 Passage 2

　　Question 14

　　答案：E

　　關(guān)鍵詞：cost/ purifying domestic water

　　定位原文: E段第1句: “￡23m for the removal of the bug…”

　　解題思路: 解這道題的竅門是首先在題干上發(fā)現(xiàn)cost一詞，可以推測(cè)出這一段一定會(huì)大談金錢。這樣只要到文中尋找錢的符號(hào)集中出現(xiàn)的段落就可以了，很容易就找到了E段，接著找到對(duì)應(yīng)語(yǔ)句，選出答案。

　　Question 15

　　答案：B

　　關(guān)鍵詞：stages/farming industry

　　定位原文: B段第一句: “First mechanisation...”

　　解題思路: 此題解題竅門是要了解題干中的stages在文中的體現(xiàn)。這個(gè)信息表明該段會(huì)講工業(yè)化農(nóng)業(yè)的發(fā)展階段。復(fù)數(shù)表明不止一個(gè)階段，既然是發(fā)展那么就會(huì)有時(shí)間標(biāo)志詞出現(xiàn)。當(dāng)考生掃讀完A段到達(dá)B段的時(shí)候，就會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)first一詞，接著會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)then，第二個(gè)then，第三個(gè)then，最后找到now。盡管stage一詞并沒有出現(xiàn)，但是mechanisation, mass use of chemical fertilisers, monocultures, battery rearing of livestock和genetic engineering都是農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展的具體體現(xiàn)，考生不難看出這個(gè)題對(duì)應(yīng)的是B段。

　　Question 16

　　答案：C

　　關(guān)鍵詞：term/hidden costs

　　定位原文: C段第2句、第3句: “externalities... outside the main transaction... To many, the costs may not even...”

　　解題思路: C段提到：the costs of all this damage are what economists refer to as externalities，由此可分析出這個(gè)術(shù)語(yǔ)便指的是externalities (外部經(jīng)濟(jì)效應(yīng))，作者緊接著在后面解釋了這些代價(jià)被稱為外部經(jīng)濟(jì)效應(yīng)的原因，即它們不在主要交易過程之中，如生產(chǎn)或是出售一塊地里的小麥，同時(shí)它們也不是由生產(chǎn)者和消費(fèi)者直接來承擔(dān)的。hidden一詞在文中沒有出現(xiàn)，但是從上面的文字中不難看出來，那些代價(jià)或損不是人們所能直接看到的，是隱蔽的。所以答案是C段。

　　Question 17

　　答案：B

　　關(guān)鍵詞：effect/chemicals water sources

　　定位原文: B段最后一句“...the growth of algae is increasing in lakes…”

　　解題思路: 在B段第二句會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)but the damage it has caused，了解到文章開始講工業(yè)化農(nóng)業(yè)的影響了，damage與effect含義等同，接著找下去，在B段倒數(shù)第一行找到： the growth of algae is increasing in lakes because of the fertiliser run-off. fertiliser run-off指的是化肥的滲出(化肥當(dāng)中所含的各種化學(xué)元素，在流入河川之后，會(huì)造成水中藻類的大量增生)，lakes對(duì)應(yīng)水源，故答案是B段。

　　Question 18

　　答案：YES

　　關(guān)鍵詞：British countryside

　　定位原文: B 段第三句：“In Britain, for example…” 例如，在英國(guó)，許多深受人們喜愛的農(nóng)田鳥類，比如云雀、灰山鶉、麥雞和黍鹀，還有更多的野花和昆蟲，都已經(jīng)從鄉(xiāng)村大片的土地上消失了。

　　解題思路: 先利用Britain將此題定位到文章B段，接著找到上面這句話，考生可以了解有一些鳥類、 野花和昆蟲都已經(jīng)消失了，不同的幾個(gè)物種都在面臨著消失的尷尬境地。由此可以推知，英國(guó)鄉(xiāng)下野生物種的數(shù)量的確是在下降。vanish雖然不能夠和declining直接等同，但是兩者所表達(dá)的本意都是相同的，都是指物種的減少，故此題答案應(yīng)該選YES。

　　Question 19

　　答案：NOT GIVEN

　　關(guān)鍵詞：taste/food

　　定位原文: B段后半段

　　解題思路: 沒有發(fā)現(xiàn)哪句話提到食物味道變?cè)愀?，甚至連food一詞都沒有看到，因此已經(jīng)可以判斷這是個(gè)完全沒有被提及的NOT GIVEN題。

　　Question 20

　　答案： NO

　　關(guān)鍵詞：financial costs

　　定位原文: C段首句：“Put it all together and it looks like…”

　　解題思路: 由以上C段中的內(nèi)容可知，雖然我們的土地已經(jīng)被工業(yè)化農(nóng)業(yè)破壞得像個(gè)戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)般滿目瘡痍，但消費(fèi)者在吃飯的時(shí)候卻很少能聯(lián)想到這些，更別說將這些破壞用金錢來衡量了。由此可推知，人們還沒有廣泛地認(rèn)識(shí)到環(huán)境破壞所帶來的經(jīng)濟(jì)代價(jià)。文中的rarely和To many...not...與題干中的widely相互矛盾。由此可知答案是NO。

　　Question 21

　　答案： YES

　　關(guān)鍵詞：Professor Pretty, illness

　　定位原文: E段相對(duì)應(yīng)數(shù)字處：“ ...￡169m from food poisoning;...”

　　解題思路: food poisoning指食物中毒，在用Professor Pretty的名字定位到E段之后，考生會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)這一段在列舉農(nóng)業(yè)的隱形開銷，只要找到illness caused by food的對(duì)應(yīng)成分food poisoning就可以了。Pretty教授的確計(jì)算了因食物引起的疾病就醫(yī)的花銷。

　　Question 22

　　答案：food bills/costs

　　關(guān)鍵詞：Professor/Pretty/concludes/higher

　　定位原文: E段倒數(shù)第2句: “Professor Pretty draws a simple but...”

　　解題思路: 根據(jù)空前的our確定空中要填名詞，后面的形容詞是higher。higher可以對(duì)應(yīng)文中的threefold(三倍);because we make three different types of payment 也可以和threefold相對(duì)應(yīng)。注意不要填成單數(shù)。

　　Question 23

　　答案：(modern) intensive farming

　　關(guān)鍵詞：Britain/reduce its reliance on

　　定位原文: F 段第2句: “Breaking away from industrial agriculture …”

　　解題思路: 空前有介詞on，證明空中要填名詞。原文中作者說對(duì)于一些國(guó)家來說，擺脫工業(yè)化農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)方式的同時(shí)也解決饑餓問題是件很困難的事情，但在英國(guó)，對(duì)糧食的需求并非如此緊迫，并且現(xiàn)代化的密集型農(nóng)業(yè)所耗費(fèi)的成本和造成的損失清晰可見，放棄現(xiàn)代化農(nóng)業(yè)是可行的。言外之意就是說英國(guó)現(xiàn)在太依賴intensive farming了，而要放棄intensive farming是可行的。所以空中應(yīng)該填寫：intensive farming。

　　Question 24

　　答案： organic farming

　　關(guān)鍵詞：farmers/Pretty/government/change/a

　　定位原文: G 段第2、3、4句: “Professor Pretty feels that... Furthermore…He is recommending …”

　　解題思路: 原文中的 organic farming would be too big a jump in thinking and in practices for many farmers意為“對(duì)于許多農(nóng)民來說，有機(jī)農(nóng)業(yè)在思想上和實(shí)踐上都是一個(gè)很大的跨越”，言外之意就是說許多農(nóng)民都很難適應(yīng)有機(jī)農(nóng)業(yè)，在意思上與24空所在的半句相對(duì)應(yīng)，所以24空應(yīng)該填organic farming。

　　Question 25

　　答案：Greener Food Standard

　　關(guān)鍵詞：farmers/Pretty/government/change/a

　　定位原文: G 段第2、3、4句: “Professor Pretty feels that... Furthermore…He is recommending …”

　　解題思路: 25空只需要向下尋找，找到教授的名字，再找到不定冠詞a，很快就能找到正確答案Greener Food Standard，即他希望政府能馬上制定“綠色食品標(biāo)準(zhǔn)”

　　Question 26

　　答案：farmers, consumers

　　關(guān)鍵詞： both...and...

　　定位原文: G段最后1句: “It could go a long way...”

　　解題思路: 教授覺得上述計(jì)劃會(huì)幫助改變26...和...的態(tài)度。分析題目的結(jié)構(gòu)可知，這里要填并列關(guān)系的兩個(gè)名詞。文中句子里的shift可以與題目中的change相對(duì)應(yīng)，文中as well as連接的便是兩個(gè)并列成分，符合題目的結(jié)構(gòu)，由此可知答案是farmers和consumers。也可以顛倒順序填寫。

　　Test 2 Passage 3

　　Question 27

　　答案: ii

　　關(guān)鍵詞：main transport problems

　　定位原文: Section B第2小段第1句: “ Before solutions could be proposed…”

　　解題思路: 此篇文章每個(gè)Section由多個(gè)段落組成，因此要讀過每個(gè)小段才能最終確認(rèn)整個(gè)Section的大意。Section B的第一小段基本就在描述馬科特地區(qū)糟糕的交通狀況，純屬描述，考生應(yīng)該快速略過，直奔第二小段。這一小段首句就提到：Before solutions could be proposed, the problems had to be understood. 這里problems第一次原詞重現(xiàn)，正好與選項(xiàng)ii中的problems對(duì)應(yīng)。再稍微向下看看，就能找到項(xiàng)目的第一階段主要集中于調(diào)研，并且做了一個(gè)涉及400 多家當(dāng)?shù)刈舻恼{(diào)査，后面就是該調(diào)査得出的數(shù)據(jù)。綜合這兩小段，顯然，本部分講的就是確定該地區(qū)的問題，也就是選項(xiàng)ii。

　　Question 28

　　答案： v

　　關(guān)鍵詞：initial improvements

　　定位原文: Section C 第1小段最后1句： “...a number of approaches were implemented in …”

　　第2小段第1句：“An improvement of the road network...”

　　第3小段最后1句：“It made sense to improve the paths by...”

　　第4小段最后1句： “After careful consideration…”

　　解題思路: 第一小段主要講項(xiàng)目第二階段的目標(biāo);第二小段提到改善路網(wǎng)，提供培訓(xùn);第三小段提到給當(dāng)?shù)厝顺Ｗ叩男÷沸夼_(tái)階、扶手和人行橋;第四小段提到使用獨(dú)輪車和驢這兩種交通工具。總結(jié)四段內(nèi)容，不難發(fā)現(xiàn)，后三小段是交通改善的具體體現(xiàn)，也就不難得出答案為選項(xiàng)v。有的考生可能會(huì)被viii或xi迷惑，但是與v相比，這兩個(gè)選項(xiàng)都太具體了，只是其中的一個(gè)方面，不夠全面。作為整個(gè)Section的大意，應(yīng)該是高度概括全面的。

　　Question 29

　　答案：x

　　關(guān)鍵詞：district officials

　　定位原文: Section E最后1句: “...without the support and understanding of…”

　　解題思路: Section E本身只有兩句話，而且都集中在政府的作用上。段末提出要是沒有當(dāng)?shù)卣闹С趾屠斫?，就很難滿足當(dāng)?shù)卮迕駛兊男枨?，充分肯定了?dāng)?shù)毓賳T的作用，而所有的headings中只有x項(xiàng)在講述district officials(地區(qū)官員)，所以它就是正確答案。有的考生可能會(huì)被iv所迷惑，因?yàn)樗劦搅苏俜降慕ㄗh，貌似可以和E段的第一句相對(duì)應(yīng)，雖然本段出現(xiàn)了 government authorities，但重點(diǎn)是解釋為什么在項(xiàng)目初期采取了政府下令民間執(zhí)行的方式，而并未涉及到政府官員的instructions(建議)，故排除。

　　Question 30

　　答案：i

　　關(guān)鍵詞： future model

　　定位原文: Section F第2段最后1句：“...and Makete District will act as a …”

　　解題思路: 對(duì)解題原則熟悉的考生，在符到選項(xiàng)i的future時(shí)，已經(jīng)可以把它大膽地歸給文章的最后一段了，因?yàn)閹в衒uture一詞的選項(xiàng)的任務(wù)往往就是給文章收尾。但是如果考生覺得這樣猜測(cè)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)太大，那么就可以通讀到Section F的最后一句，找到future model的對(duì)應(yīng)詞reference，再在 reference后看到future work，也可以選出正確選項(xiàng)i。

　　Question 31

　　答案：NO

　　關(guān)鍵詞： five

　　定位原文: 全文結(jié)構(gòu)

　　解題思路: 從Section E開始贊美當(dāng)?shù)毓賳T、 Section F開始歌頌這個(gè)項(xiàng)目的重要性和對(duì)將來的影響，就應(yīng)該能夠推測(cè)出來整個(gè)項(xiàng)目只有三個(gè)階段了。答案當(dāng)然是NO。

　　Question 32

　　答案：YES

　　關(guān)鍵詞：prior to the start, rainy season

　　定位原文: Section B第1小段第1句： “When the project began…”

　　解題思路: 原句中的 began 對(duì)應(yīng)題干中的 start, virtually totally isolated 對(duì)應(yīng) almost inaccessible。inaccessible指“無法達(dá)到的，不可進(jìn)入的”，正好對(duì)應(yīng)isolated(與世隔絕的)，此題基本做到了詞語(yǔ)的一一對(duì)應(yīng)。

　　Question 33

　　答案：NO

　　關(guān)鍵詞：Phase I

　　定位原文: Section B的第2小段第3句: “The socio-economic survey…”

　　解題思路: 從這句話可以看出，調(diào)查主要是關(guān)于當(dāng)?shù)丶彝セㄔ诔鲂猩系臅r(shí)間，并不是題目中所說的交通開銷。有的考生會(huì)說，那文章中也沒有明確說調(diào)查不是關(guān)于開銷的呀。在雅思閱讀文章中，每當(dāng)提到事物的原因、做某事的目的、或者調(diào)查研究的目的時(shí)，一般這個(gè)原因和目的都是唯一的。也就是說，如果文中說這樣做的目的是A，題中說這么做的目的是B， —般就選擇NO。

　　Question 34

　　答案： YES

　　關(guān)鍵詞：one-fifth or 20%

　　定位原文: 首先由題目中的one-fifth或者20%定位到Section B第二小段的80%

　　“80% was within the locality”.

　　解題思路: locality指“地區(qū)，區(qū)域”。該句說80%的家庭出行僅限于本地，推理一下，那么剩下的20%出行是在本地之外了。做一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的數(shù)學(xué)運(yùn)算，就能得知答案為YES。

　　Question 35

　　答案：NOT GIVEN

　　關(guān)鍵詞：capital

　　定位原文: 按順序原則定位到 Section C

　　解題思路: Section C 第1小段最后1句： “...a number of approaches were…” 在這句話中，并沒有提到首都。向下尋找，直到Section C的最后，capital一詞也沒有出現(xiàn)，這時(shí)已經(jīng)完全可以肯定，這是一道無中生有、完全沒有提及型的NOT GIVEN。

　　Question 36

　　答案：D

　　關(guān)鍵詞：footbridges, steps, handrails

　　定位原文: Section C 第3小段：“Most goods were transported… It made sense to…” 大多數(shù)物資是通過小路運(yùn)輸?shù)?，這些小路為上下山提供了捷徑，但卻需要冒著很大的生命危險(xiǎn)，要是步行就更艱難了。所以，就有必要通過修建臺(tái)階、扶手和人行橋等來改善路況。

　　解題思路: 找到這兩句話之后，開始在選項(xiàng)欄中尋找對(duì)應(yīng)句尾，特別要注意特殊詞之間的聯(lián)系，很快就能看到選項(xiàng)D: improved paths used for transport up and down hillsides. (改善用于上下山的小路)正好和文中原句對(duì)應(yīng)。因此D就是正確答案

　　Question 37

　　答案：I

　　關(guān)鍵詞：breakdown, buses and trucks breakdown, buses and trucks

　　定位原文: Section D第4小段第1句：“The efforts to improve…” 由于當(dāng)?shù)卮蠖鄶?shù)機(jī)動(dòng)車發(fā)生故障時(shí)沒有條件修理，所以提升現(xiàn)有交通服務(wù)效率的努力并不是很成功。

　　解題思路: 題目中的buses and trucks 對(duì)應(yīng)文中的 motorised vehicles，breakdown很容易和動(dòng)詞詞組broke down相對(duì)應(yīng)。作者在這里再次進(jìn)行了一次因果關(guān)系轉(zhuǎn)變。I選項(xiàng)中的hinder(阻礙)一詞是解題的關(guān)鍵，efficient對(duì)應(yīng)文中的efficiency，該選項(xiàng)是原文前半句話的另一表達(dá)。答案是I。

　　Question 38

　　答案：G

　　關(guān)鍵詞：secondary roads and paths

　　定位原文: Section D第3小段第1句: “Paths and secondary roads were …” 只有愿意參與道路建設(shè)與養(yǎng)護(hù)的社區(qū)提出要求時(shí)，施工方才會(huì)去幫助他們改善小路和二級(jí)公路。

　　解題思路: 利用定位詞：很快就能定位到Section D第3小段第1句，再利用at the request of和 willing定位到選項(xiàng)G: was done only at the request of local people who were willing to lend a hand, willing to lend a hand 等同于文中的 willing to participate in construction and maintenance，都指意在公路的建設(shè)和養(yǎng)護(hù)中出力。答案是G。

　　Question 39

　　答案：E

　　關(guān)鍵詞: isolation, part of the year

　　定位原文: Section D的第2小段第1句：“The road improvements and…”

　　解題思路: 理解這句話時(shí)，可以結(jié)合原文Section B一開始就提到的馬科特地區(qū)在雨季就幾乎與世隔絕這個(gè)事實(shí)來理解。那么該句可理解為以往到了雨季就幾乎隔離的地區(qū)現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)全年都可到達(dá)，言下之意隔離不再是個(gè)問題了，對(duì)應(yīng)選項(xiàng)，只有E表達(dá)了這個(gè)意思。另外，原文這句話的意思并不能和題完全對(duì)應(yīng)，所以，考生可以使用排除法，先去掉剛才三道題目已經(jīng)選過的選項(xiàng)，然后把剩下的選項(xiàng)逐一對(duì)應(yīng)到題干后面去，看看哪一句在語(yǔ)法和語(yǔ)義上都能夠說得通?？忌芸鞎?huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)，只有一個(gè)答案可選，那就是E選項(xiàng)。

　　Question 40

　　答案：B

　　關(guān)鍵詞：main aim

　　定位原文: 全文結(jié)構(gòu)

　　解題思路: 首先剔除D：三個(gè)正面，一個(gè)負(fù)面，負(fù)面選項(xiàng)先出局，大體瀏覽一下文章也能看出文中并未涉及這個(gè)內(nèi)容;C項(xiàng)過于具體，驢的使用只是計(jì)劃的一部分，不夠全面;然后在剩下的A、B中比較：A屬于拔高型，文章只在最后提到馬科特的成功可以作為以后的范例，并未直接說明其他國(guó)家需要，而且這也不是文章的主要內(nèi)容;最終只有選項(xiàng)B概括了全文，答案為B。