gre閱讀用哪本書(shū)備考最好
gre閱讀我最開(kāi)始的系統(tǒng)訓(xùn)練是從官方材料開(kāi)始的,因?yàn)槲矣X(jué)得邏輯訓(xùn)練的目的就是規(guī)范思考,那么我們就要從最為客觀的官方材料開(kāi)始打下最為扎實(shí)的基礎(chǔ)。接下來(lái)就是今天休學(xué)習(xí)啦 帶來(lái)的gre閱讀用哪本書(shū)備考最好?
gre閱讀用哪本書(shū)備考最好
閱讀OG--150--36套--magoosh--微臣87篇(網(wǎng)傳)一直以來(lái),我以為閱讀是我在G備考過(guò)程中的長(zhǎng)項(xiàng),但是考試的時(shí)候還是太慌張,所以現(xiàn)在覺(jué)得學(xué)術(shù)閱讀能力真的是一個(gè)日積月累的工作,只靠短時(shí)間的突擊會(huì)讓你漲分,但是能力絕對(duì)不
是暴擊可以得到的,而且尤為重要的是這項(xiàng)能力決定的是你的上限。G考察的不是語(yǔ)言能力,但是它對(duì)邏輯推理能力的考察卻是通過(guò)語(yǔ)言這一手段來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)的。我們要深信的是盡管語(yǔ)言不同,但是人類的思維都是有跡可循的。我最開(kāi)始的系統(tǒng)訓(xùn)練是從官方材料開(kāi)始的,因?yàn)槲矣X(jué)得邏輯訓(xùn)練的目的就是規(guī)范思考,那么我們就要從最為客觀的官方材料開(kāi)始打下最為扎實(shí)的基礎(chǔ)。
OG 和150 題的題,要精練,也就是起碼要做三遍,我不建議在這時(shí)候就開(kāi)始計(jì)時(shí),第一遍做保證正確率和完整性,做完之后盡可能當(dāng)日進(jìn)行文章分析,文章分析都做些什么?
我認(rèn)為有這樣幾個(gè)要點(diǎn):
第一,長(zhǎng)文章各段段意要進(jìn)行簡(jiǎn)練概括,中篇文章每一句都要概括。
第二,作者的情感態(tài)度,是贊同還是反對(duì)還是保留意見(jiàn);研究進(jìn)程是處在混沌狀態(tài)還是有新研究表明進(jìn)展;介紹類文章的某個(gè)流程在哪個(gè)位置。
第三,根據(jù)題分析文章,總結(jié)套路,找對(duì)應(yīng)考位。最后,經(jīng)過(guò)分析我們所能得到的成果是盲寫(xiě)文章梗概,到這里,其實(shí)我們只完成對(duì)文章剖析的一半。另一半,是長(zhǎng)難句分析仿寫(xiě)。從文章的大格局到每一句的句法,每個(gè)小詞的用法,都是我們可以學(xué)習(xí)的地方,這件事,即使考后我也建議不要停,這是一條正路,因?yàn)槲覀兊哪康?,是最后的學(xué)術(shù)文章?! ≈蟮牟牧?,我用的是36套,36套是用來(lái)提高速度的不二選
擇,前一部分可以不嚴(yán)格計(jì)時(shí),但是從標(biāo)準(zhǔn)10道題的那一套開(kāi)始就應(yīng)該嚴(yán)格遵守考試時(shí)間練習(xí)。同樣,36套也要至少做兩遍,對(duì)每一篇文章都要做類似的分析,可以選擇買(mǎi)陳虎平老師的那本參考書(shū),不過(guò)不買(mǎi)影響也不大,我是最后十套基本沒(méi)有參考那本書(shū),一方面是套路很明顯已經(jīng)可以自己升華了,另一方面是如果細(xì)看那本書(shū)很浪費(fèi)時(shí)間盡管我承認(rèn)方法是很好。
然后做的材料是magoosh,我是買(mǎi)的賬號(hào),難度很大,一開(kāi)始做閱讀基本沒(méi)有對(duì)的, 但是每一篇文章我都去認(rèn)真分析并且有總結(jié),最后考試之前是把所有錯(cuò)題也都做完了。期間一直穿插的是微臣或者XDF的各種線上班的題,時(shí)不時(shí)跟課,聽(tīng)一下別人是怎么解讀文章的。其實(shí)還可以做的資料很多,NO題是我一直想做但是沒(méi)有做的,LSAT也是一件利器,1014,Manhattan, 但是文章在精。
GRE閱讀備考背景知識(shí)之迷惘的一代
筆者認(rèn)為這種賽前加練的方式效果未免來(lái)得太慢,寬泛的閱讀也很難堅(jiān)持。此外筆者在網(wǎng)上搜索GRE考試和英文文學(xué),居然沒(méi)有什么實(shí)質(zhì)性的備考資料,所以作者通過(guò)系列文章一邊介紹英文文學(xué)的幾個(gè)重點(diǎn)時(shí)期,一邊講解與之相關(guān)的GRE閱讀文章,希望能夠給各位同學(xué)備考GRE閱讀帶來(lái)更有針對(duì)性的輔導(dǎo)。
“迷惘的一代”(The Lost Generation),又稱迷失的一代,是美國(guó)文學(xué)的一個(gè)極具特點(diǎn)的文學(xué)時(shí)期,其中的一個(gè)代表文學(xué)人物是佐拉·尼爾·赫斯頓(Zora Neale Hurston, 1891-1960),代表作品《他們的眼睛望著上帝》(Their Eyes Were Watching God,1937);這個(gè)作品也是GRE閱讀中被引用的最多的文學(xué)作品之一。佐拉·尼爾·赫斯頓(Zora Neale Hurston,1891-1960),是20世紀(jì)美國(guó)文學(xué)的重要人物之一。她是小說(shuō)家、黑人民間傳說(shuō)收集研究家、人類學(xué)家。她也生在美國(guó)南方,是 Harlem 文藝復(fù)興時(shí)期的活躍分子。她畢生為保持黑人文化傳統(tǒng)而奮斗,收集出版了黑人民間故事集《騾與人》及《告訴我的馬》。赫斯頓還寫(xiě)了四部小說(shuō):《他們眼望上蒼》《約拿的葫蘆藤》《摩西,山之人》《蘇旺尼的六翼天使》。其中《他們眼望上蒼》是她最受歡迎的作品,是黑人文學(xué)中第一部充分展示黑人女子內(nèi)心女性意識(shí)覺(jué)醒的作品,在黑人女性形象的創(chuàng)造上具有里程碑式的意義,被公認(rèn)是黑人文學(xué)的經(jīng)典作品之一。
集女作家、民俗學(xué)家、人類學(xué)家于一身的佐拉·尼爾·赫斯頓一生致力于本民族的傳統(tǒng)文化遺產(chǎn)的收集、整理和保護(hù)。她對(duì)自己的非洲裔美國(guó)人的身份非常驕傲和自豪,否認(rèn)自己有既是美國(guó)人又是黑人的“雙重意識(shí)”的困惑。她拒絕把黑人當(dāng)成美國(guó)社會(huì)的“問(wèn)題”,拒絕把黑人描寫(xiě)成種族歧視制度下產(chǎn)生的畸形兒。她在作品中深刻地揭示了當(dāng)時(shí)黑人社區(qū)內(nèi)存在的鄙視自己黑皮膚的黑人種族主義思想對(duì)黑人靈魂的腐蝕,力圖喚醒黑人對(duì)自己身份的肯定和熱愛(ài)。然而,哈萊姆文藝復(fù)興的高潮過(guò)去以后,以理查德·賴特為代表的黑人“抗議文學(xué)”成為當(dāng)時(shí)黑人文學(xué)的主流,赫斯頓及其作品被湮沒(méi)在美國(guó)文學(xué)的塵埃里無(wú)人問(wèn)津.直到20世紀(jì)60年代的黑人權(quán)利運(yùn)動(dòng)興起,以及黑人民族主義意識(shí)的喚醒,赫斯頓才在一片荒冢中被重新發(fā)現(xiàn)。實(shí)際上,賴特式的“抗議”與赫斯頓式的“贊美”只是非裔美國(guó)人在美國(guó)社會(huì)求得生存的既矛盾又統(tǒng)一的兩種策略。
GRE閱讀長(zhǎng)文章背景介紹:法國(guó)二月革命
看過(guò)這篇文章的同學(xué), 一定會(huì)被這篇文章中的各種革命的日期弄得暈頭轉(zhuǎn)向. 的確, 大量的時(shí)間點(diǎn)和陌生的歷史事件是本文最大的難點(diǎn). 不過(guò)大家不用著急, 等我們介紹完這些革命的背景和特點(diǎn), 大家能夠?qū)μ?hào)入座以后, 讀這篇文章就游刃有余了. 事實(shí)上, 這篇文章一共提到了4個(gè)發(fā)生在19世紀(jì)的法國(guó)巴黎的革命, 分別是(按時(shí)間排列):
1. July 1830, 常被稱為 “七月革命”.
2. February 1848, 常被稱為 “二月革命”.
3. June 1848, 常被稱為 “六月起義”
4. May 1871, 有名的 “巴黎公社”運(yùn)動(dòng).
(在考場(chǎng)上如果遇到了同樣含有很多日期或人名的文章, 像這樣在草稿紙上把它們都列出來(lái)是不錯(cuò)的方法 ^_^)
1. 法國(guó)七月革命:
時(shí)間: 1830年7月
目標(biāo): 反抗當(dāng)時(shí)法國(guó)國(guó)王查理十世 (Charles X, 即Charles Philippe) 的統(tǒng)治
結(jié)果: 成功, 推翻了波旁 (Bourbon) 王朝的統(tǒng)治, “七月王朝” (July Monarchy) 開(kāi)始
要聊法國(guó)七月革命, 必須從另一個(gè)更早的革命——1789年的法國(guó)大革命——聊起. 眾所周知, 法國(guó)大革命推翻了統(tǒng)治法國(guó)多個(gè)世紀(jì)的絕對(duì)君主制與封建制度, 處死了當(dāng)時(shí)的國(guó)王路易十六, 并在1792年建立了法蘭西第一共和國(guó). 可是不久之后, 拿破侖發(fā)動(dòng) “霧月政變” 上臺(tái), 成為法國(guó)第一執(zhí)政, 實(shí)際為獨(dú)裁者. 他隨后又在1804年修改了憲法, 將法蘭西第一共和國(guó)改為了法蘭西第一帝國(guó), 登基帝位.
拿破侖稱帝并沒(méi)能維持太久, 1814年, 拿破侖戰(zhàn)敗被流放, 路易十八重新上臺(tái). 拿破侖于1815年3月殺回巴黎, 試圖重建帝國(guó), 路易十八落荒而逃. 好景不長(zhǎng), 不到一百天后, 即同年6月, 拿破侖在滑鐵盧戰(zhàn)敗, 路易十八得以復(fù)位, 波旁王朝得以復(fù)辟.
為什么要提這段歷史呢? 原因是1830年7月爆發(fā)的七月革命, 要推翻的正是路易十八的繼位者, 他的弟弟查理十世. 經(jīng)歷過(guò)法國(guó)大革命的巴黎人民無(wú)法忍受查理十世的專制統(tǒng)治, 終于在1830年7月爆發(fā)了起義, 將他推翻了.
七月革命是一次成功的革命, 而且革命在沒(méi)有經(jīng)過(guò)什么反抗的情況下便完成了. 七月革命之后, 路易·菲利浦 (Louis Philippe) 上臺(tái), 而因?yàn)楦锩l(fā)生在7月, 因此他的統(tǒng)治被稱為 “七月王朝”. 有沒(méi)有覺(jué)得這位的名字很眼熟? 沒(méi)錯(cuò), 這正是出現(xiàn)在文章第一句話里的名字: “In February 1848 the people of Paris rose in revolt against the constitutional monarchy of Louis Philippe.” 緊接著而來(lái)的1848年二月革命, 正是要推翻這位的統(tǒng)治.
2. 法國(guó)二月革命
時(shí)間: 1848年2月
目標(biāo): 反抗路易·菲利浦 (Louis Philippe)的統(tǒng)治
結(jié)果: 成功, 推翻了路易·菲利浦 (Louis Philippe)的統(tǒng)治, 法蘭西第二共和國(guó)成立, 拿破侖三世任總統(tǒng).
七月革命以后, 路易·菲利浦上臺(tái), “七月王朝”開(kāi)始. “七月王朝”的統(tǒng)治基礎(chǔ)較為薄弱, 面臨著來(lái)自不同階級(jí)的不滿.
一方面, 拿破侖在當(dāng)時(shí)是一個(gè)英雄一樣的存在, 被普遍認(rèn)為是國(guó)威的象征, 社會(huì)的改革者. 對(duì)拿破侖的崇拜, 加深了人民對(duì)路易·菲利浦政府的失望, 人民將之與拿破侖的功績(jī)比較, 認(rèn)為他在外交政策上過(guò)于軟弱.
另一方面, 政府的貪污及專制令中產(chǎn)階級(jí)也十分不滿政府的統(tǒng)治. 共和主義者更希望推翻君主制, 成立共和政府.
在這樣的背景下, 1848年2月, 工人和學(xué)生開(kāi)始上街游行, 要求推行改革. 路易命令軍隊(duì)維持秩序, 但是軍隊(duì)卻有了投向革命者的傾向. 路易采取了一系列的挽救措施試圖保存王位, 但是革命者吸取了七月革命的教訓(xùn), 堅(jiān)決地要推翻君主制建立共和國(guó). 最終, 路易·菲利浦不得不退位, 法蘭西第二共和國(guó)成立, 而出任總統(tǒng)的正是拿破侖三世(拿破侖一世的侄子與繼承人).
就這樣, 二月革命(在一定程度上)推翻了七月革命的 “結(jié)果” — 路易·菲利浦, 重新建立了共和國(guó). 而特別有意思的是, 又是一位拿破侖(三世)成了總統(tǒng), 而且這個(gè)拿破侖在不久之后也學(xué)拿破侖一世稱了帝, 再次把共和國(guó)變成了帝國(guó). 歷史總是驚人的相似啊.
讀過(guò)文章的同學(xué)一定還記得, 文章中把成功的革命和失敗的革命進(jìn)行了一個(gè)對(duì)比: (第3段第1句) “Quite different is the outcome of successful insurrections like those of July 1830 and February 1848.” 正如閱讀文章中所說(shuō), 以上介紹的1830年的七月革命和1848年的二月革命都是 “成功” 的革命, 而另外兩個(gè)革命, 1848年的六月起義和1871年的巴黎公社運(yùn)動(dòng)的結(jié)果就沒(méi)有那么幸運(yùn)了.
GRE填空:解讀埃涅阿斯紀(jì)文學(xué)背景
II. Literary Background: Roman epic and Homer
文學(xué)背景:羅馬史詩(shī)和盲詩(shī)人荷馬
It was not just in his autobiography that Augustus sought to project a positive image. He did so also in the artistic, architectural, and urban planning projects that he commissioned and in the secular and religious ceremonials over which he presided. In addition he sought to capture the imaginations of the best poets, sometimes through the brokering[1] of his friend Maecenas[2] (whose name has become synonymous with enlightened patronage of the arts), and sometimes directly.
奧古斯都通過(guò)各種方法,尤其是想要在藝術(shù)當(dāng)中給自己留下一個(gè)好的印象和記憶。
注釋:broker: 做掮客,從事經(jīng)紀(jì)業(yè)
Maecenas: 蓋烏斯,米希納斯;現(xiàn)在引申為慷慨資助文學(xué)或者藝術(shù)的人
The Aeneid is the most ambitiously “Augustan” of all these literary works. We know that Virgil was already in the imperial circle since his earlier work, the Georgics(discussed briefly below), is dedicated to Maecenas. The biographical tradition preserves a letter from Augustus to Virgil asking to see a section or outline of the Aeneid; we have an account of how Virgil later recited parts of the poem to the imperial family; the emperor is said to have countermanded[3] Virgil’s deathbed wish that his poem be burned (although few scholars today credit this story). It would be misleading, however, to regard the Aeneid as the product of external pressure. Poets at Rome had always enjoyed greater artistic freedom than other craftsmen who depended on explicit commissions[4] . In addition, there is no evidence of any centralized direction of thought or expression during this period. Moreover, propaganda implies a large audience, but the audience for serious non-dramatic literature at Rome was necessarily limited owing to the modest diffusion of literacy and (even more) of the sort of education necessary to appreciate its subtleties. Finally, and most important, the works of the major poets of the period simply do no read like propaganda.
雖然有傳言說(shuō)奧古斯都給維吉爾一些壓力,要求他如何如何寫(xiě)這首長(zhǎng)詩(shī),但是后來(lái)被證明其實(shí)不是這樣,舉了3個(gè)原因(開(kāi)始很像閱讀文章了。。。)
其實(shí)當(dāng)時(shí)羅馬的詩(shī)人有比較高的地位,不太可能變成政治宣傳。
注釋:countermand: 撤銷取消,= revoke, rescind, repeal 等re-的前綴詞匯
commissions:委任,命令
In fact, many of the ideas in the Aeneid had already found expression in Virgil’s earlier pre-Augustan works —— the Bucolics, a selection of ten pastoral poems that predate the Augustan settlement, and the Georgics, a fourbook didactic poem purporting to be a farming manual, that was published in 29 BCE but was actually begun several years before Actium[5] . Both works unfold agaisnt the backdrop[6] of the civil wars as endured by those who dwell on the land. Theirs is an experience of untold hardship, of suffering and personal loss. In the first Bucolic, for instance, a farmer laments that his property has been confiscated to be given as payment to a returning soldier; and in the Georgics the landscape has been damaged by the fighting and only hard work can render it fertile again. In both poems, though, there is hope. Another rustic in the first Bucolic expresses gratitude that an unnamed but godlike man has restored his land to him; the fourth (or “Messianic”) Bucolic prophesies the birth of a child, again unnamed, who will bring about a new cosmic order; and in the Georgics, as later in the Aeneid, it seems as if this savior is retrospectively identified as Augustus, the leader whose achievement have made possible agricultural (and social) renewal.
注釋:backdrop 背景幕
Actium: 在這個(gè)地方最終奧古斯都打敗了安東尼
It is noteworthy that, at the very midpoint of the Georgics (3.8-48), Virgil announces that his next work, which he imagines as his masterpiece, will be an epic about the new leader. He then uses an architectural metaphor to describe this future poem as a temple, on which will be represented Augustus’ actual and imagined triumphs over such foreign foes as Britain, Egypt, and Parthia[7] . These words seem to situate Virgil’s next work, the Aeneid, within the dominant tradition of poetry at Rome, nationalistic historical epic, i.e., long narrative poems that celebrated great events in Roman history, particularly military victories, and the statesmen and generals who accomplished them and who were often the poets’ patrons. Most major pre-Augustan leaders were the subjects of such panegyrics[8] —— although poor Cicero could not find a willing bard and had to write his own!
維吉爾在Georgics里面提到他會(huì)寫(xiě)一個(gè)關(guān)于新的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的長(zhǎng)詩(shī),貌似有點(diǎn)像當(dāng)時(shí)古羅馬常見(jiàn)的政治軍事長(zhǎng)詩(shī),往往主角就是一個(gè)軍事家,同時(shí)也會(huì)是這個(gè)詩(shī)歌的贊助人。
注釋:Parthia: 古代安息王國(guó)
panegyrics: 頌文
The problem, however, was that such poems were both artistically and politically constraining. By now a well-worn form, historical epic offered little scope for artistic innovation. In addition, it posed very real risks, since praise poetry that was too overt[9] could diminish not only its author (who might appear sycophantic) but also its subject (who might inadvertently appear ridiculous and take umbrage[10] ). Finally, and perhaps most important, such poetry offered little opportunity for independent, much less critical, reflection about persons and power.
這里話鋒一轉(zhuǎn),說(shuō)但是這樣的推測(cè)是不可信的,因?yàn)楫?dāng)時(shí)這種政治歌頌的長(zhǎng)詩(shī)文學(xué)造詣和政治觀點(diǎn)都受到了局限,而且往往被這么明顯歌頌的話,主人公也就是那個(gè)贊助人的高大形象反而會(huì)被削弱。(這里也很接近閱讀文章的思路了)
注釋:overt 明顯的
umbrage 憤怒,惱火,冒犯
Virgil’s solution to this problem was brilliant. Rather than deliver on the promise he made in the Georgics, he turned to another, even older form of poetry, not the historical epic popular at Rome but the mythological epic of archaic Greece, in particular Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey. Of course, Roman literature had always depended on Greek precursors, and one of the earliest works in Latin had been an adaptation of the Odyssey by Livius Andronicus (third century BCE[11] ). Similarly, those Roman historical epics discussed above had all imitated Homer’s lofty[12] style and many of his poetic devices —— lengthy descriptive passages (ekphrasis), dramatic speeches, catalogues, battle narratives, invocations[13] to the muses, divine interventions, comparisons by simile, and the like. But Virgil went one step further: he adopted not just the style but also the setting and the time frame of Homer. The Aeneid begins not in Augustan Rome but over a millennium earlier in Troy, and its hero is not Augustus but his mythical ancestor Aeneas, one of the Trojans who managed to escape their city’s destruction and, after much wandering, arrived in Italy as fate and decreed.
維吉爾在提到奧古斯都時(shí)非常聰明,他講了古希臘的事情,講的是古羅馬的開(kāi)創(chuàng)者的祖先,這樣就比較隱晦。從風(fēng)格上、技術(shù)上,維吉爾的詩(shī)歌都好像在模仿盲詩(shī)人荷馬。
注釋:BCE before Christian Era
invocation:對(duì)神的乞求和禱告
The Aeneid is full of close verbal echoes of the Iliad and Odyssey, many of its scenes are closely modeled on specific Homeric episodes, and even the overarching[14] structure of the peom depends on these Greek models. Thus, the first six books, in which Aeneas escapes Troy, wanders through many lands, has a lover affair, and visits the underworld, correspond to the Odyssey, whose hero, Odysseus (Ulysses in Latin), has similar postwar adventures during a difficult journey home. Then, the next six books in which Aeneas must do battle to settle in Latium and to win the hand of the native princess Lavinia correspond to the Illiad, which focuses on Achilles, the preeminent hero of the Greeks when they fought at Troy to recover the abducted Helen.
這里就著重分析埃涅阿斯和奧德賽以及伊利亞特的相同點(diǎn)
Upon closer examination, however, these correspondences are not exact. Indeed, it is precisely in the dissonances between Virgilian text and Homeric subtext that we can divine something of the Aeneid’s meaning and its originality. Thus, while Aeneas resembles the wandering Odysseus in the first half of the poem, he differs from that Greek hero since his difficult journey is not a homecoming, but an exile: having lost his home and wife at Troy, he must now move toward an unknown future in a western land that remains perpetually elusive. Similarly, in the second half of the poem, Aeneas may resemble Achilles in his military prowess; but he is motivated to fight not by the Homeric hero’s quest for individual glory (kudos) but rather by a deeper sense of responsibility to society and the gods (pietas, discussed further below).
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