經(jīng)典就職演講：肯尼迪就職演講

　　我們今天慶祝的并不是一次政黨的勝利，而是一次自由的慶典;它象征著結(jié)束，也象征著開(kāi)始;意味著更新，也意味著變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲?，作了跟我們祖先將近一又四分之三世紀(jì)以前所擬定的相同的莊嚴(yán)誓言。

　　現(xiàn)今世界已經(jīng)很不同了，因?yàn)槿嗽谧约貉庵|的手中握有足以消滅一切形式的人類(lèi)貧困和一切形式的人類(lèi)生命的力量?？墒俏覀冏嫦葕^斗不息所維護(hù)的革命信念，在世界各地仍處于爭(zhēng)論之中。那信念就是注定人權(quán)并非來(lái)自政府的慷慨施與，而是上帝所賜。

　　我們今天不敢忘記我們是那第一次革命的繼承人，讓我從此時(shí)此地告訴我們的朋友，并且也告訴我們的敵人，這支火炬已傳交新一代的美國(guó)人，他們出生在本世紀(jì)，經(jīng)歷過(guò)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的鍛煉，受過(guò)嚴(yán)酷而艱苦的和平的熏陶，以我們的古代傳統(tǒng)自豪，而且不愿目睹或容許人權(quán)逐步被褫奪。對(duì)于這些人權(quán)我國(guó)一向堅(jiān)貞不移，當(dāng)前在國(guó)內(nèi)和全世界我們也是對(duì)此力加維護(hù)的。

　　讓每一個(gè)國(guó)家知道，不管它盼我們好或盼我們壞，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，忍受任何重負(fù)，應(yīng)付任何艱辛，支持任何朋友，反對(duì)任何敵人，以確保自由的存在與實(shí)現(xiàn)。

　　這是我們矢志不移的事--而且還不止此。

　　對(duì)于那些和我們擁有共同文化和精神傳統(tǒng)的老盟邦，我們保證以摯友之誠(chéng)相待。只要團(tuán)結(jié)，則在許多合作事業(yè)中幾乎沒(méi)有什么是辦不到的。倘若分裂，我們則無(wú)可作為，因?yàn)槲覀冊(cè)谝庖?jiàn)分歧、各行其是的情況下，是不敢應(yīng)付強(qiáng)大挑戰(zhàn)的。

　　對(duì)于那些我們歡迎其參與自由國(guó)家行列的新國(guó)家，我們要提出保證，絕不讓一種形成的殖民統(tǒng)治消失后，卻代之以另一種遠(yuǎn)為殘酷的暴政。我們不能老是期望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)，但我們卻一直希望他們能堅(jiān)決維護(hù)他們自身的自由，并應(yīng)記取，在過(guò)去，那些愚蠢得要騎在虎背上以壯聲勢(shì)的人，結(jié)果卻被虎所吞噬。

　　對(duì)于那些住在布滿半個(gè)地球的茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村中、力求打破普遍貧困的桎梏的人們，我們保證盡最大努力助其自救，不管需要多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間。這并非因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨會(huì)那樣做，也不是由于我們要求他們的選票，而是由于那樣做是正確的。自由社會(huì)若不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就不能保全那少數(shù)的富人。

　　對(duì)于我國(guó)邊界以?xún)?nèi)的各姐妹共和國(guó)，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證：要把我們的美好諾言化作善行，在爭(zhēng)取進(jìn)步的新聯(lián)盟中援助自由人和自由政府來(lái)擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種為實(shí)現(xiàn)本身愿望而進(jìn)行的和平革命不應(yīng)成為不懷好意的國(guó)家的俎上肉。讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道，我們將與他們聯(lián)合抵御對(duì)美洲任何地區(qū)的侵略或顛覆。讓其它國(guó)家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己會(huì)管。

　　至于聯(lián)合國(guó)這個(gè)各主權(quán)國(guó)家的世界性議會(huì)，在今天這個(gè)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)工具的發(fā)展速度超過(guò)和平工具的時(shí)代中，它是我們最后的、最美好的希望。我們?cè)钢厣晡覀兊闹С种Z言;不讓它變成僅供謾罵的講壇，加強(qiáng)其對(duì)于新國(guó)弱國(guó)的保護(hù)，并擴(kuò)大其權(quán)力所能運(yùn)用的領(lǐng)域。

　　最后，對(duì)于那些與我們?yōu)閿车膰?guó)家，我們所要提供的不是保證，而是要求：雙方重新著手尋求和平，不要等到科學(xué)所釋出的危險(xiǎn)破壞力量在有意或無(wú)意中使全人類(lèi)淪于自我毀滅。

　　我們不敢以示弱去誘惑他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們的武力無(wú)可置疑地壯大時(shí)，我們才能毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地確信永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)使用武力。

　　可是這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)有力的國(guó)家集團(tuán)，誰(shuí)也不能對(duì)當(dāng)前的趨勢(shì)放心--雙方都因現(xiàn)代武器的代價(jià)而感到不勝負(fù)擔(dān)，雙方都對(duì)于致命的原子力量不斷發(fā)展而產(chǎn)生應(yīng)有的驚駭，可是雙方都在競(jìng)謀改變那不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均衡，而此種均衡卻可以暫時(shí)阻止人類(lèi)最后從事戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。

　　因此讓我們重新開(kāi)始，雙方都應(yīng)記住，謙恭并非懦弱的征象，而誠(chéng)意則永遠(yuǎn)須要驗(yàn)證。讓我們永不因畏懼而談判。但讓我們永不要畏懼談判。

　　讓雙方探究能使我們團(tuán)結(jié)在一起的是什么問(wèn)題，而不要虛耗心力于使我們分裂的問(wèn)題。

　　讓雙方首次制訂有關(guān)視察和管制武器的真誠(chéng)而確切的建議，并且把那足以毀滅其它國(guó)家的漫無(wú)限制的力量置于所有國(guó)家的絕對(duì)管制之下。

　　讓雙方都謀求激發(fā)科學(xué)的神奇力量而不是科學(xué)的恐怖因素。讓我們聯(lián)合起來(lái)去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，開(kāi)發(fā)海洋深處，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商務(wù)。

　　讓雙方攜手在世界各個(gè)角落遵循以賽亞的命令，去“卸下沉重的負(fù)擔(dān)……(并)讓被壓迫者得自由。”

　　如果建立合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑，那么，讓雙方聯(lián)合作一次新的努力吧，這不是追求新的權(quán)力均衡，而是建立一個(gè)新的法治世界，在那世界上強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。

　　凡此種種不會(huì)在最初的一百天中完成，不會(huì)在最初的一千天中完成，不會(huì)在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我們活在地球上的畢生期間完成。但讓我們開(kāi)始。

　　同胞們，我們事業(yè)的最后成效，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你們手中。自從我國(guó)建立以來(lái)，每一代的美國(guó)人都曾應(yīng)召以驗(yàn)證其對(duì)國(guó)家的忠誠(chéng)。響應(yīng)此項(xiàng)召喚而服軍役的美國(guó)青年人的墳?zāi)贡椴既蚋魈帯?/p>

　　現(xiàn)在那號(hào)角又再度召喚我們--不是號(hào)召我們肩起武器，雖然武器是我們所需要的;不是號(hào)召我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們準(zhǔn)備應(yīng)戰(zhàn);那是號(hào)召我們年復(fù)一年肩負(fù)起持久和勝敗未分的斗爭(zhēng)，“在希望中歡樂(lè)，在患難中忍耐”;這是一場(chǎng)對(duì)抗人類(lèi)公敵--暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身--的斗爭(zhēng)。

　　我們能否結(jié)成一個(gè)遍及東西南北的全球性偉大聯(lián)盟來(lái)對(duì)付這些敵人，來(lái)確保全人類(lèi)享有更為富裕的生活?你們是否愿意參與這歷史性的努力?

　　在世界的悠久歷史中，只有很少幾個(gè)世代的人賦有這種在自由遭遇最大危機(jī)時(shí)保衛(wèi)自由的任務(wù)。我決不在這責(zé)任之前退縮;我歡迎它。我不相信我們中間會(huì)有人愿意跟別人及別的世代交換地位。我們?cè)谶@場(chǎng)努力中所獻(xiàn)出的精力、信念與虔誠(chéng)、將照亮我們的國(guó)家以及所有為國(guó)家服務(wù)的人，而從這一火焰所聚出的光輝必能照明全世界。

　　所以，同胞們：不要問(wèn)你們的國(guó)家能為你們做些什么，而要問(wèn)你們能為國(guó)家做些什么。

　　全世界的公民：不要問(wèn)美國(guó)愿為你們做些什么，而應(yīng)問(wèn)我們?cè)谝黄鹉転槿祟?lèi)的自由做些什么。

　　最后，不管你是美國(guó)的公民或世界它國(guó)的公民，請(qǐng)將我們所要求于你們的有關(guān)力量與犧牲的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)拿來(lái)要求我們。我們唯一可靠的報(bào)酬是問(wèn)心無(wú)愧，我們行為的最后裁判者是歷史，讓我們向前引導(dǎo)我們所摯愛(ài)的國(guó)土，企求上帝的保佑與扶攜，但我們知道，在這個(gè)世界上，上帝的任務(wù)肯定就是我們自己所應(yīng)肩負(fù)的任務(wù)。

　　Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom——symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning——signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

　　The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe——the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

　　We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans——born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage——and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

　　Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

　　This much we pledge——and more.

　　To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do——for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

　　To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom——and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

　　To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required——not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

　　To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge——to convert our good words into good deeds——in a new alliance for progress——to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

　　To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support——to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective——to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak——and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

　　Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

　　We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

　　But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course——both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

　　So let us begin anew——remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

　　Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

　　Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms——and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

　　Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

　　Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah——to "undo the heavy burdens …… and to let the oppressed go free."

　　And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

　　All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

　　In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

　　Now the trumpet summons us again——not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are——but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"——a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

　　Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

　　In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility——I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it——and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

　　And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you——ask what you can do for your country.

　　My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

　　Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.