丘吉爾的鐵幕演說(shuō)
丘吉爾的鐵幕演說(shuō)
丘吉爾是英國(guó)歷史學(xué)家、政治家、畫(huà)家、演說(shuō)家、作家、記者。以下是小編整理的丘吉爾的鐵幕演說(shuō)，歡迎大家閱讀。
丘吉爾鐵幕演說(shuō)原文中英文
“美國(guó)此刻正高踞于世界權(quán)力的頂峰。對(duì)美國(guó)民主來(lái)說(shuō)，這是一個(gè)莊嚴(yán)的時(shí)刻。擁有最大的力量，也就是對(duì)未來(lái)負(fù)有令人敬畏的責(zé)任。放眼四顧，你不但覺(jué)得已經(jīng)盡了應(yīng)盡的責(zé)任，也感到憂慮，恐怕以后的成就未必能達(dá)到這樣高的水平。對(duì)你我兩國(guó)來(lái)說(shuō)，現(xiàn)在都有一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)在這里，一個(gè)明確的、光彩奪目的機(jī)會(huì)。如果拒絕、忽視、或糟蹋這個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)，我們將受到后世長(zhǎng)期的責(zé)備。……
“當(dāng)美國(guó)的軍事人員在立場(chǎng)嚴(yán)重的局勢(shì)時(shí)，他們習(xí)慣于在他們的指令的頭上寫(xiě)上‘全面戰(zhàn)略概念’字樣。這種做法是明智的，因?yàn)樗苁顾枷朊骼驶?。那么，什么是我們?yōu)榻裉焖鶓?yīng)題寫(xiě)的全面戰(zhàn)略概念呢?它不應(yīng)該低于在一切地方的所有男女的所有家庭的安全和幸福以及自由和進(jìn)步。……
“為了使這些無(wú)數(shù)的家庭得到安全，必須保護(hù)他們，使他們不受兩個(gè)可怕的掠奪者——戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和暴政——的侵犯。……
“……為了防止戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)這一主要目的，已經(jīng)建立了一個(gè)世界組織。……我們必須使這一切得到肯定：它的工作是有成果的，它是一種現(xiàn)實(shí)而不是一種假象，它是一種行動(dòng)力量而不僅只是語(yǔ)言的空談，它是一種真正的和平之宮而不僅只是紛紛擾擾爭(zhēng)吵的場(chǎng)所……
“然而，我有一個(gè)明確而實(shí)際的行動(dòng)建議要提出來(lái)。宮廷和地方行政長(zhǎng)官?zèng)]有縣吏和皂吏就不能辦事。因此，必須馬上著手給聯(lián)合國(guó)配備一支國(guó)際武裝力量。在這個(gè)問(wèn)題上，只能一步一步來(lái)，但我們必須從現(xiàn)在開(kāi)始著手做。我建議，應(yīng)邀請(qǐng)每一個(gè)大國(guó)和其它成員國(guó)派出一定數(shù)量的空軍中隊(duì)，為這個(gè)世界性組織服役。這些中隊(duì)將由本國(guó)訓(xùn)練和籌備，但在各國(guó)輪流駐扎。他們身著本國(guó)的軍服，佩戴不同的徽章。不能要求他們對(duì)自己的國(guó)家作戰(zhàn)，但在其它方面將受這世界性組織的指揮。這個(gè)辦法可以小規(guī)模地實(shí)行起來(lái)，讓它隨著我們信心的增長(zhǎng)而擴(kuò)大。第一次世界大戰(zhàn)后我曾希望做到這一步，相信現(xiàn)在會(huì)立即辦到。
“不過(guò)，如果把美國(guó)、英國(guó)和加拿大現(xiàn)在所共同掌握的制造原子彈的秘密知識(shí)和經(jīng)驗(yàn)托付給這個(gè)仍處于嬰兒時(shí)代的世界性組織，馬氏錯(cuò)誤的和輕率的。如果任憑這種秘密知識(shí)在這依然騷動(dòng)和不團(tuán)結(jié)的世界上自然發(fā)展，那是罪惡的發(fā)狂。……
“現(xiàn)在我講到威脅著茅舍家庭和普通老百姓的第二個(gè)危險(xiǎn)，即暴政。我們不能無(wú)視一個(gè)事實(shí)，就是美國(guó)和大英帝國(guó)的個(gè)別公民到處都能享受的自由，在相當(dāng)多的國(guó)家里是不存在的，其中一些是十分強(qiáng)大的國(guó)家。在這些國(guó)家里，各種包羅萬(wàn)象的警察政府對(duì)老百姓強(qiáng)加控制，達(dá)到了壓倒和違背一切民主原則的程度?；蚴且恍┆?dú)裁者，或是組織嚴(yán)密的寡頭集團(tuán)，他們通過(guò)一個(gè)享有特權(quán)的黨和一支政治警察隊(duì)伍，毫無(wú)節(jié)制地行使著國(guó)家的大權(quán)。在這多難的歲月，我們的責(zé)任不是同武力去干預(yù)那些我們不曾征服的國(guó)家的內(nèi)部事務(wù)。但是，我們絕不能放棄以大無(wú)畏的聲調(diào)宣揚(yáng)自由的偉大原則和基本人權(quán)。這些英語(yǔ)世界的共同遺產(chǎn)，繼大憲章、人權(quán)法案、人身保護(hù)法、陪審團(tuán)審訊制、以及英國(guó)習(xí)慣法之后，它們又在美國(guó)獨(dú)立宣言中得到舉世聞名的表現(xiàn)。
“到此為止，我們顯然是完全一致的?，F(xiàn)在，當(dāng)仍然奉行這個(gè)實(shí)現(xiàn)我們?nèi)鎽?zhàn)略概念的方法的時(shí)候，我要講一講此行要談的關(guān)鍵問(wèn)題。沒(méi)有我所稱之為各英語(yǔ)民族同胞手足一樣的聯(lián)合，有效地防止戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和繼續(xù)發(fā)展世界組織都是辦不到的。這種聯(lián)合就是以英聯(lián)邦與帝國(guó)為一方和以美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)為另一方建立特殊的關(guān)系?，F(xiàn)在不是泛泛空談的時(shí)候，我要明確地談?wù)劇?/p>
“兄弟般的聯(lián)合不僅要求我們兩個(gè)龐大的、有血緣關(guān)系的社會(huì)制度之間存在著日益增長(zhǎng)的友誼和相互諒解，而且要求雙方軍事顧問(wèn)繼續(xù)保持密切的聯(lián)系，以便共同研究潛在的危險(xiǎn)。武器的異同，訓(xùn)練的教材，以及在軍事院?；Q軍官和學(xué)員的問(wèn)題。它還應(yīng)包括聯(lián)合使用兩國(guó)在世界各地掌握的所有?？栈兀宫F(xiàn)有的設(shè)施繼續(xù)用于共同安全的目的。……
“不久剛被盟國(guó)的勝利所照亮的大地，已經(jīng)罩上了陰影。沒(méi)有人知道，蘇俄和它的共產(chǎn)主義國(guó)際組織打算在最近的將來(lái)干些什么，以及它們擴(kuò)張和傳教傾向的止境在哪里，如果還有止境的話。對(duì)于英勇的俄羅斯人民和我的戰(zhàn)時(shí)伙伴斯大林元帥，我十分欽佩和尊敬。在英國(guó)——我毫不懷疑，在這里也是一樣——人們對(duì)俄國(guó)各族人民懷有同情和善意，決心經(jīng)受種種分歧和挫折，建立起持久的友誼。
“我們理解，俄國(guó)需要它西部邊界的安全，以免再次遭受德國(guó)的侵略。我們歡迎它占有它在世界大國(guó)中有權(quán)占有的地位。我們特別歡迎的是，在俄國(guó)人民和大西洋兩岸的我方人民之間保持經(jīng)常不斷的、頻繁的和日益增多的接觸。但是，我有責(zé)任把有關(guān)當(dāng)前歐洲形勢(shì)的某些事實(shí)擺在你們面前。
“從波羅的海的斯德丁〔什切青〕到亞得里亞海邊的的里雅斯特，一幅橫貫歐洲大陸的鐵幕已經(jīng)降落下來(lái)。在這條線的后面，坐落著中歐和東歐古國(guó)的都城。華沙、柏林、布拉格、維也納、布達(dá)佩斯、貝爾格萊德、布加勒斯特和索菲亞——所有這些名城及其居民無(wú)一不處在蘇聯(lián)的勢(shì)力范圍之內(nèi)，不僅以這種或那種形式屈服于蘇聯(lián)的勢(shì)力影響，而且還受到莫斯科日益增強(qiáng)的高壓控制。只有雅典，放射著它不朽的光輝，在英、美、法三國(guó)現(xiàn)場(chǎng)觀察下，自由地決定它的前途。
“受俄國(guó)支配的波蘭政府被慫恿對(duì)德國(guó)領(lǐng)土實(shí)行大片的、不義的侵占，正在以可悲的、夢(mèng)想不到的規(guī)模把數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的德國(guó)人成群地驅(qū)逐出境。在所有這些東歐國(guó)家原來(lái)都很弱小的共產(chǎn)黨，已經(jīng)上升到同它們黨員人數(shù)遠(yuǎn)不相稱的主導(dǎo)的、掌權(quán)的地位，到處爭(zhēng)取極權(quán)主義的控制。幾乎在每一處，都是警察政府占了上風(fēng)。到目前為之，除了捷克斯洛伐克，根本沒(méi)有真正的民主。
“土耳其和波斯〔伊朗〕都為莫斯科政府向它們提出的要求和對(duì)它們施加的壓力而感到驚惶萬(wàn)分。駐在柏林的俄國(guó)人正試圖通過(guò)對(duì)各左翼領(lǐng)導(dǎo)集團(tuán)的袒護(hù)，在他們的德國(guó)占領(lǐng)區(qū)建立一個(gè)準(zhǔn)共產(chǎn)黨。去年6月戰(zhàn)斗結(jié)束時(shí)，美國(guó)和英國(guó)軍隊(duì)按照先前的協(xié)議，從一條將近四百英里寬的戰(zhàn)線上西撤，在某些地方深達(dá)一百五十英里。這樣就讓俄國(guó)人占領(lǐng)了西方民主國(guó)家所攻打下來(lái)的遼闊的土地。
“現(xiàn)在，如果蘇聯(lián)政府試圖單獨(dú)行動(dòng)，在他們的地區(qū)建立一個(gè)親共的德國(guó)，就將給英美兩國(guó)占領(lǐng)區(qū)制造嚴(yán)重的困難，授予了戰(zhàn)敗的德國(guó)人以在蘇聯(lián)和西方民主國(guó)家之間拍賣(mài)抬價(jià)的權(quán)力。這些都是事實(shí)。不論我們從中得到什么結(jié)論，這肯定不是我們進(jìn)行武裝斗爭(zhēng)所要建立的解放的歐洲，也不是一個(gè)具有永久和平必要條件的歐洲。
“在橫跨歐洲的鐵幕前面，還有其它令人焦慮的因素。意大利共產(chǎn)黨由于不得不支持共產(chǎn)黨訓(xùn)練的鐵托元帥對(duì)亞得里亞海頂端的前意大利領(lǐng)土的要求，受到嚴(yán)重的牽制。盡管如此，意大利還是前途未卜。再一點(diǎn)，歐洲的復(fù)興，如無(wú)一個(gè)強(qiáng)大的法國(guó)，這是不可思議的。在我的全部公職生活中，我總是為使法國(guó)強(qiáng)大而工作著。甚至在最黑暗的日子里，我也不曾對(duì)它的命運(yùn)喪失信心?，F(xiàn)在也不會(huì)喪失信心。
“不過(guò)，在遠(yuǎn)離俄國(guó)邊界、遍布世界各地的許多國(guó)家里，共產(chǎn)黨第五縱隊(duì)已經(jīng)建立。它絕對(duì)服從來(lái)自共產(chǎn)主義中心的指令，完全協(xié)調(diào)地工作著。除了在英聯(lián)邦和美國(guó)——那里的共產(chǎn)主義運(yùn)動(dòng)還在嬰兒時(shí)代——共產(chǎn)黨，即第五縱隊(duì)到處構(gòu)成對(duì)基督教文明的日益嚴(yán)重的挑釁和危險(xiǎn)。這是任何人在取得勝利的次日都應(yīng)該記誦的一些黯淡的事實(shí)。這一勝利是通過(guò)在戰(zhàn)斗中以及在自由和民主的事業(yè)中結(jié)成情誼深厚的戰(zhàn)友關(guān)系取得的。如果我們不趁還來(lái)得及的時(shí)候正視這些事實(shí)，那就太不明智了。
“……我不相信蘇俄希望戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。他們所希望的是得到戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的果實(shí)，以及他們的權(quán)力和主義的無(wú)限擴(kuò)張。因此，趁今天還為時(shí)未晚，我們?cè)谶@里要考慮的是永久制止戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和盡速在一切國(guó)家為自由和民主創(chuàng)造條件的問(wèn)題。
“對(duì)于困難和危險(xiǎn)視而不見(jiàn)，不能解決問(wèn)題;袖手旁觀，也不解決問(wèn)題;采取綏靖政策，也無(wú)濟(jì)于事?，F(xiàn)在需要的是作出解決問(wèn)題的安排。拖得越久，就越困難，對(duì)我們的危險(xiǎn)也就越大。大戰(zhàn)期間，我對(duì)我們俄國(guó)朋友和盟友的觀察所得的印象使我堅(jiān)信，他們所欽佩的莫過(guò)于實(shí)力，而他們最瞧不起的是軍事上的虛弱。由于這個(gè)緣故，勢(shì)力均衡的舊理論不適用了。如果可以避免的話，我們?cè)僖步?jīng)不起在只留有狹小余地的情況下進(jìn)行工作，從而提供了進(jìn)行較量的誘惑。假使西方民主國(guó)家團(tuán)結(jié)一致，嚴(yán)守聯(lián)合國(guó)憲章的原則，那么，它們推行這些原則的影響力將是巨大的，沒(méi)有人會(huì)來(lái)冒犯它們。不過(guò)，假使它們四分五裂，在自己執(zhí)行職責(zé)時(shí)手軟，假使讓這緊要關(guān)頭的幾年白白混過(guò)去，那么，我們大家確實(shí)都要在浩劫中被毀滅了。
“上一次，我曾目睹大戰(zhàn)來(lái)臨，對(duì)自己本國(guó)同胞和全世界大聲疾呼，但是人們都聽(tīng)不進(jìn)。近至1933年，甚至1935年，或許還能把德國(guó)從后來(lái)落到它頭上的可怕命運(yùn)中拯救出來(lái)，使我們大家都免遭希特勒強(qiáng)加于人類的苦難。
“在全部歷史中，沒(méi)有一次戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)比前不久使地球上這么多廣大地區(qū)淪為廢墟的這次大戰(zhàn)，更容易同及時(shí)的行動(dòng)加以制止。它本來(lái)可以不發(fā)一槍就被制止住，而德國(guó)本來(lái)可以至今是一個(gè)強(qiáng)大、繁榮、受尊敬的國(guó)家。但是，誰(shuí)也聽(tīng)不進(jìn)。于是所有我們這些國(guó)家，一個(gè)接一個(gè)都被卷入可怕的漩渦中了。
“我們肯定地必須不讓那種事重演。這只有這樣做才能達(dá)到：在現(xiàn)時(shí)，即一九四六年，在聯(lián)合國(guó)普遍權(quán)威之下，就所有問(wèn)題同俄國(guó)達(dá)成良好的諒解;并且通過(guò)這個(gè)世界性組織，在講英語(yǔ)的世界及其一切聯(lián)系地區(qū)的全力支持下，使上述良好的諒解在許多和平的年份中維持下去。
“請(qǐng)不要把不列顛帝國(guó)和聯(lián)邦的堅(jiān)持的能力加以低估。……如果在美國(guó)的人口之外，再加上英語(yǔ)聯(lián)邦的人口，再加上這種合作關(guān)系所涉及的在空中、海上、科學(xué)和工業(yè)各方面的合作，那就不會(huì)出現(xiàn)不穩(wěn)定的、靠不住的力量均衡，致使野心家和冒險(xiǎn)家情不自禁。……倘若英國(guó)所有道義上、物質(zhì)上的力量和信念，都同你們的力量和信念兄弟般的聯(lián)合在一起，那么，就將不僅為我們、為我們的時(shí)代，而且也將為所有的人，為未來(lái)的世紀(jì)，帶來(lái)一個(gè)廣闊的前程，這是明確無(wú)疑的。”
丘吉爾鐵幕演說(shuō)中英文翻譯
Winston S. Churchill:“Iron Curtain Speech", March 5, 1946
Winston Churchill gave this speech at Westminster College, in Fulton, Missouri, after receiving an honorary degree. With typical oratorical skills, Church introduced the phrase "Iron Curtain" to describe the division between Western powers and the area controlled by the Soviet Union. As such the speech marks the onset of the Cold War.
The speech was very long, and here excerpts are presented.
The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime.
It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- toward the peoples of all the Russians and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.
It is my duty, however, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stetting in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung.
Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars，But now we all can find any nation, wherever it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter.
In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eighteen months from the end of the German war.
I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so.
I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.
But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement.
What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.
For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind.
There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool.
We must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.
If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.
If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come.